Pannonia Roman province on the map. The meaning of the word pannonia in the Orthodox encyclopedia tree

PANNONIA - Historical region in the Middle Danube; Roman province.

Pre-Roman Pannonia lo-ka-li-zu-yut mainly in the Sa-va and Dra-va basins (according to Ar-ria-nu: between the Japanese-da-mi, alive -shi-mi to the east of the Is-t-riya peninsula, and dar-da-na-mi, obi-tav-shi-mi in the area of ​​modern Ma-ke-do-nii). The peoples who mainly settled in this region in the 1st millennium BC - the beginning of the 1st millennium AD, from the northern part of the il- Li-Rians or a group close to them - Pan-Non-Tsam, which also included a number of peoples who lived north of the Danube and in the Lower - nem Po-ti-sie.

From the 4th to the beginning of the 1st centuries BC, there were several waves of Celts in this territory. From the 2nd century BC, the Roman military and economic ex-pansion began (an important Roman center was Emo-na (now not Lub- la-na)), completed the city of Si-kiya (35 BC; now Si-sak) on Sa-ve, kel-tov -skor-di-skovs in the lower parts of Sa-va (15 BC), a number of Pan-Non tribes in the Kho-de Kam-pa-nii 12-9 BC , us-ta-nov-le-ni-em under Emperor Ok-ta-via-not Av-gu-ste of Roman control over all the rights of the Middle Danube. Once upon a time, the indigenous lands entered the province of Il-li-riya, from 10 AD - into Lower Il-li-riya, for which for the name Pannonia. Okon-cha-tel-but the Roman power us-ta-nov-le-na after the great pan-but-no-dal-mat-sko-go re-sta-sta- niya 6-9 AD. Between 102 and 107, Pannonia was divided into Upper Pan-no-nia (center in Kar-nun-te) and Lower Pan-no-nia (central three Ak-vink and Sir-miy); from the end of the 3rd century - to Pannonia-I (center in Sa-va-ria, now Som-bat-hei), Pannonia-Va-le-ria (center in So-pian, now Pech), Pannonia-Savia (center in Sis-kii), Pannonia-II (center in Sir-miia).

Large cities were also Vin-do-bo-na (now not Ve-na), Ar-ra-bo-na (modern Gyor), Bri-ge- Tsio (now not Ko-ma-rom), In-ter-tsi-za, Pe-to-vion (now not Ptuy), Mur-sa (now not Osi-ek) and others. Pannonia was very strong during the Marco-Man wars of 166-180 (after which the var-va-ditch began to settle here because of the -nits Im-per-rii), na-pa-de-niy from outside and wars with usur-pa-to-ra-mi in the 250-260s. Although from 395 Pannonia was part of the Western Roman Empire, and after 476 - Byzantium, in the course of the Veli-ko-go pere-se -le-niya na-ro-dov part of Pannonia fact-ti-che-ski (as pra-vi-lo, according to the agreement with Im-pe-ri-ey) control -ro-wa-lis gun-na-mi, ost-go-ta-mi, ge-pi-da-mi, lan-go-bar-da-mi and other na-ro-da-mi.

From the well-known and well-known Prague culture (here since the 6th century), connected with the fame. Since 568, Pannonia (since 582, including Sirmii) entered the Avar ka-ga-nat. After its destruction at the beginning of the 9th century, the lands in the north-of-the-pas-de-Pannonia were controlled by the Kar-ro-ling-gov state (with 843 by the East Frankish Kingdom), the south-east entered the First Bulgarian Kingdom, the south-west - to the principality of Khor-va-tov, the center - to the Bla-ten-skoe (Pan-non-skoe) principality, north-east - to the Ve-li-ko-mo-rav-skaya village zha-wu, who in the 4th quarter of the 9th century joined the Bla-ten principality and some adjacent lands.

At the beginning of the 10th century, most of these lands were za-voe-va-na weng-ra-mi, in the go-su-dar-st-vo of which after the di-na-stic sconce In 1102, the Croatian kingdom also entered. TO mid-16th century centuries, a significant part of Pannonia was za-hva-che-on the Os-man-skaya im-pe-ri-ey, but to early XVIII centuries from-vo-va-na and hundred-la part of the state of the Habs-burgs. Since 1918, the lands of Pannonia became part of the eastern regions of Austria, the western parts of Hungary, and northern Yugoslavia (since the 1990s east of Slo-ve-nia and Hor-va-tia, north of Bos-nia and Herze-go-vi-ny, north-west of Serbia).

The territory of modern Hungary was once home to the Roman province of Pannonia. But people lived here even before the legions of the empire brought their eagles, their gods and other attributes of the great Western civilization to these lands. This country was inhabited by the Illyrians and Scythians, nomadic tribes who came from the Black Sea region.
The Romans gave the name "Pannonia" to the province in honor of the Pannonians, a group of Illyrian tribes. But in the V-IV centuries BC. The Pannonians, like other tribes, were supplanted by the Celtic tribe of the Evariscans. Or rather, not so much displaced as absorbed. The Celts captured the region, and after that they began to multiply and multiply, and the tribes they conquered also took part in the process of reproduction of the Celts.
In the 1st century BC. The first city was founded on the site of present-day Budapest. The city was built by the Celts; it occupied about thirty hectares of land along the slopes of Mount Gellert. It was called "Ak Ink", which means " spring waters"or "five waters". The fact is that this area was and remains famous for its healing thermal springs. Today in Budapest alone there are 25 large thermal complexes.
At the turn of two eras, the Romans, in their desire to expand the borders of the empire, finally reached the Danube plains. And they were pleasantly surprised to discover in this wild barbaric country an excellent climate, water resources and convenient places for fortifications. The Romans decided to stay here for a long time, occupied the city of Ak Ink, began to call it Aquincum and transformed it in their own Roman manner. From one city there were two - civil and military. The Roman garrison, which included six thousand people, settled in the military settlement, and at first two thousand settlers who accompanied the garrison lived in the civilian settlement. But soon the Evarisque Celts, who descended from the slopes of Mount Gellert, joined the settlers. By the time the Romans arrived, the Celts were already leading a completely peaceful life, and ordinary artisans, in essence, did not care how they worked and trade, under the authority of their leaders or under the authority of the Roman emperor. The Celts easily and quickly adopted the culture and customs of the Romans, and soon they themselves received the honor of becoming Roman citizens.
During the time of the Guardian, in 124 AD. Aquincum received the rank of municipality, and its freeborn residents began to be officially considered citizens of the empire. In 160 the city was already the capital of the entire province of Pannonia. The residence of the ruler and troops was located here. The garrison of Aquincum constantly participated in wars on the border of the Roman Empire, which ran along the banks of the Danube. The city grew, developed and changed. If in the 1st century it was an ordinary military settlement on the border of barbarian lands, then in the 2nd it became quite large shopping center, and in III - a rich resort, with baths, an amphitheater and luxurious villas of the patricians. Veteran legionnaires, who could receive lands for their length of service, preferred not to leave these blessed places and settled next to Aquincum. The Romans built baths here and such outstanding sons of Rome as Marcus Aurelius and Marcus Trajan were treated on the waters in Pannonia. The population of the city reached sixty thousand people; at that time Aquincum could be considered a metropolis.
The Aquincum Amphitheater, which is called the “Legionnaires’ Amphitheater,” deserves special mention. It could accommodate ten to twelve thousand spectators and its arena is larger than that of the Roman Colosseum. Here, gladiators fought among themselves and fought with wild animals, which were released into the arena through the gate. Today, instead of lions and tigers in the Legionnaires' Amphitheater, you can only see peacefully walking dogs. By the way, sometimes the circus turned into an arena for water fights. It was filled with water and performances were staged with the participation of sea animals - seals and fur seals. And sometimes even crocodiles...
The ruins of the great Roman Empire are scattered throughout the territory of today's Hungary. Sometimes they come across them completely unexpectedly. For example, during the construction of a house in the sixties of the 20th century, ancient ruins were discovered. Nevertheless, the house was completed; the ruins remained in the yard. And modern Hungarians, in memory of their Roman past, placed a bust of an ancient Roman at the fence so that he would guard both the house and the ruins.
Roman ruins in the Hungarian city of Szombathely are hidden in the backyard of some completely modern and unremarkable building. Some of the representatives of the imperial authorities in these places, apparently, was a fan of the mystical cult of Isis, which came to Rome from Egypt and was accepted by the Romans, since they were generally inclined to accept foreign gods. It is no coincidence that in Szombath the columns and foundation of a temple dedicated to Isis, the sister and wife of Osiris, and her son Harpocrates, the “child of Horus,” have been preserved. The cult of the mysteries of Isis was very widespread in the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD. Even many years later, when Christianity was recognized as the dominant religion of Rome, many secretly worshiped Isis. Perhaps she is still worshiped in Szombathely to this day. At least the word "Isis" - Isis - appears on so many otherwise completely incomprehensible Hungarian signs.
In the 4th century AD. barbarian raids on Pannonia became more frequent. Its capital began to decline. In the 5th century, the Roman defensive lines were swept away by the Huns. During the capture of Aquincum, the legendary leader of the Huns, Attila, the “scourge of God,” showed amazing and unexpected humanism. The city authorities and the Huns agreed that the Romans would be given time to evacuate. Attila took the city without a fight. The Romans of Aquincum managed to escape, but the empire itself was already doomed. A new era has begun.

The tribes of Pannonia at the time of their conquest by Rome were experiencing that stage social development, which all peoples went through at the beginning of their history and which represented an era of decomposition primitive communal system. Some of the tribes were on the verge of emergence class society and states, others were distinguished by still primitive forms of social life. The history of Pannonia on the eve of the Roman conquest is marked by large movements of tribes and attempts by some of them to subjugate others to their rule, which led to clashes and wars. For the victorious tribe, such wars contributed (for a while) to its development; it turned out to be the owner of the best lands, material resources and slaves from among the vanquished. The vanquished were pushed back to worse lands, their territories were reduced, and the tribe itself was reduced in number. Intertribal wars destroyed the closed environment, and the emerging, albeit fragile, tribal alliances already marked the beginning of the collapse of the clan organization 5 . The development of the Pannonian tribes, although not to the same extent as the southern Illyrian ones, was influenced by the neighboring Roman slave world.

The tribes of Pannonia were located over a large area from the Sava in the south to the Danube in the north. The central part of Pannonia was the modern Hungarian Transdanubia (Dunantul); its southern regions included the course of the Drava and Sava rivers - northern Yugoslavia; in the northwest it included modern Burgenland and the Vienna region. In the north and east, the border of Pannonia and at the same time the border of the Empire was the course of the Danube, beyond which there was a constantly threatening and restless barbarian world. The evidence of Pliny and Ptolemy, the later source Dimensuratio provinciarum and the repeated remarks of Strabo, Appiapas and Cassius Dio that the Pannonian country reached the Istra (Danube) define the northern boundary along the middle course of the river 6 . Eastern border also walked along the Danube, following its bend from the place where the river sharply turns south. Its extreme northeastern point was Aquincus on the Danube, its southern point was the place where the Sava flows into the Danube 7. Singidun (modern Belgrade), located below the mouth of the Sava, was already part of Upper Moesia 8 . During the Roman period, a Panponian limes was built along the course of the Dupai, the construction of which began already under Tiberius and which was improved and strengthened until the Romans abandoned the province. Limes was a chain of military fortresses and fortifications, guard posts and observation towers, connected by a military road running along the Danube. The Pannonian limit was the most important area borders of the Empire and was a continuation of the Germanic and Rhaetian limes; he divided the Romans and the barbarians (SHA, vita Hadr., II, 2). The southern border of Pannonia ran along the Sava, about 20 Roman miles south of the river, and separated Pannonia from Dalmatia. The western border between Noricum and Pannonia is established on the basis of the evidence of Ptolemy, who names Kéuov ôpoç as a border point (Geogr., II, 13, 14), and partly of Pliny, who also mentions this mountain. Cetios mons refers to a system of several mountains in Austria: Simmeripg, Fischbach Alps, Glein Alps, Mount Scheckl, Stub Alpe and Kor Alpe 9 . From Vindobopa on the Danube to Petovion on the Drava, the border ran along these mountains. In a small part of the south- western border followed along the modern Karavanke ridge to the spurs of the Carnic Alps, where they are adjacent to the Julian Alps (ancient Okra), otherwise called the Panponian Alps (Tacit., Hist., II, 98). Along the northern spurs of these mountains, Pannonia bordered Italy in the southwest.

Pannonia was a vast plain. Strabo's definition of the Pannonian plain as ôpoireôta is most suitable for the central regions of the future province around the lake. Pelso (modern Balaton) 10. Low-lying areas were located in the northwest along the Leita and Raba rivers, which flow into the Danube, and in the southeast at the confluence of the Sava and the Danube. There are also low mountains in the southeast. The areas adjacent to Norik were predominantly mountainous. Lake Pelso in the center of Transdanubia, the largest of the lakes of Central and Southern Europe (its area is about 600 sq. km), had a large economic and military significance in ancient times. The level of the lake was 5-6 m higher than today, and the Roman fleet cruised along it. As Aurelius Victor reports, Emperor Galerius allegedly even built a canal connecting the lake with the Danube (Caes., 40, 9). Fish stocks in the lake, significant to this day, and fertile plains around the picturesque shores, already in the 1st century. attracted colonists from Italy, Noricum, Narbonne and Gaul to its northwestern shores. Along the northwestern shores, excavations reveal the first Roman villas.

The south of Pannonia, in comparison with the northern regions, had a different flavor both due to differences in relief and because of the mildness of the climate. The large and navigable rivers flowing here - the Drava and Sava, receiving significant tributaries on their way, carry their waters to the Danube, passing through a low, sometimes swampy plain. At the mouth of the Drava between Mursa (modern Osijek) and Cibaly (modern Vinkovci) there was a vast swamp Yulcae paludes (or Hyulca palus), identified with the Mnrsianns lacus of later sources 11 . The area in the Sirmia region (modern Sremska Mitrovica) was also swampy. In these areas, Emperor Probus spent the 3rd century. drainage work was done by legionnaires (SHA, vita Probi, 21, 2). In the interfluve of the lower reaches of the Sava and Drava there is a small mountain system(modern Bilo ridge in Yugoslavia, some peaks of which reach 1000 m). The areas of the middle and lower reaches of the rivers are distinguished by a mild climate and high soil fertility and are now the main breadbasket and garden of Yugoslavia. This area of ​​Pannonia was densely populated both before the arrival of the Romans and during the Roman period.

Due to the fact that most of Pannonia was a plain and in some places even a depression, the climate in the province, especially in the north, should have been characterized by large temperature fluctuations in summer and winter. A cold winter with snow, a freezing Danube, and a rainy and foggy spring greatly distinguished Pannonia from Italy and the southern provinces. Military service under these conditions was very difficult for legionnaires of the 1st century, natives of Italy (Tacit., Ann., I, 17; 30). According to the unanimous testimony of the ancients.

Pannonia was covered with huge forests (App., 111., 22; Plin., HN, III, 148). Huge forests distinguished the province in the 4th century. n. e. (Aur. Viet., Caes., 40, 9), although most of its territory was already plowed under arable land and occupied by pastures. The forests were inhabited by bears, wolves, wild boars, foxes and smaller game 12 . Legionnaires of the Pannonian legions often dedicated dedications to Silvanus of the Forest for a successful hunt. Emperor Hadrian also hunted in the forests of Pannonia (CIL, III, 3968a; XII, 1122).

The landscape features of Pannonia were not the last reason that determined the rapid development of Roman cities in the country and their settlement by colonists from all over the Roman world. Colonists arriving from Italy initially settled in its western and southwestern regions, which were closer to Italy and more closely connected with it.

The original population of Pannonia were Illyrian tribes. In the 4th century. BC e. the first Celts appeared in the north-west of Pannonia 13. The next wave of Celts settled in Pannonia in the 3rd century. before i. e. The last Celts reached Pannonia in the 80s of the 1st century. BC e. The long cohabitation of the Celts and Illyrians led to the formation of mixed ethnic groups, when a obviously Celtic tribe has personal Illyrian names and traditions in the burial rite and, conversely, Illyrian tribes reveal Celtic influence. And although the general ethnic character of the country on the eve of the Roman conquest can be defined as Celto-Illyrian, both cultures - Celtic and Illyrian - and the areas of settlement of the Celts and Illyrians are clearly different.

By the time of the conquest of Panponia, the Romans were most aware of its southern regions, where both Celtic and Illyrian tribes lived, with whom the Romans already had trade relations during the period of the Republic, which we will discuss later. Pliny the Elder, as mentioned earlier, based his description of the Pannonian regions on the Dimensuratio of Agrippa, data from Varro and the census lists of Augustus himself 14 . Pliny conveys the knowledge of the Romans about the country that corresponds to the time of their arrival in Pannonia. He indicates the areas of settlement only for some of the tribes. He reports that the Drava flows through the regions of the Serrets, Serapilii, Yazov, Andidzeti; Sava - through the areas of the Kolapians and Brevki, whom he calls the main tribes (HN, III, 148). In addition to these nationalities, he mentioned the Arviatians, Azals, Amants, Belgites, Cathars, Corneates, Eravisci, Herkuniates, Latobiks, Ozeriates, Vartsians, for which habitats were not designated. The order of the tribes in Pliny is not evidence of their actual placement one after another 15. Pliny also names the scordis and teuriscus, with a rather unclear indication of their location. Ptolemy's data predates the Marcomannic Wars (167-180). They reflected the changes that had occurred in Pannonia by this time. Not all tribes are named by Ptolemy. Since under Trajan Pannonia was divided into Upper and Lower, Ptolemy listed the tribes of one and the other province separately. His data is not always accurate: the system he adopted of arranging peoples in certain rows, one after another, from west to east or from north to south, allowed for the possibility of displacement. Neither Pliias nor Ptolemy has any indication of the ethnicity of the tribes. They are contained by Strabo for the Celts widely known on the Danube - the Scordisci, Teurisci and Boii. Strabo also named the tribes of the Pannonians proper - the Brevki, Andidzeti, Dicioni, Piru with Tig, Medzei, Desidiata and other (not named by him) minor tribes that extended to the south of Dalmatia 16. From Appian’s data, one can only extract that “the Pannonians are a large tribe” living near the Istra (Danube) and occupying areas from the Japodes of the Julian

Alps to the Dardanians near the borders of Macedonia (App., 111., 14; 22). Given this state of the sources, the analysis of epigraphic data undertaken by A. Mochi provides the most convincing basis for his proposed placement of the tribes of Pannonia and the definition of their ethnicity 17 . The predominance of Celtic or Illyrian names in one or another region of Panionia serves as the basis for classifying these areas as Celts or Illyrians. The location of the tribes we give is based on the work of A. Mochi, although in some points we cannot agree with the localization he proposes.

In the upper reaches of the Sava and Drava lived the Celtic tribe of the Teurisci, whose center in Pannonia was Navport (modern Vrhnika) 18, and the Illyrian tribe of Cathars, identical to the Catalans who lived in the area of ​​Tergesta (modern Trieste), whose territory was included by Augustus in the lands of this colonies (CIL, V, 532 = Dessau, 6680). The Pannonian Teurisci were part of the Teurisci who settled in Norica after their defeat by the Romans at the Battle of Lake. Telamon in 225 BC o., when they were forced to leave the Po Valley. Archaeological data from the necropolises of the La Tène period (450-50 BC) from South-Eastern Norik (modern Austrian Carniola) reveal a direct connection between the Teuriscan cultures of Norik and South-Western Pannonia 19 . The Teuriscan regions in Pannonia extended to Emona, where the Illyrians Carni and Cathars also lived. The personal names originating from Emona are of a mixed, Celto-Illyrian character.

To the east of Emona were the areas of the Celtic Latobik tribe, centered in Neviodun (modern Drnovo in Yugoslavia) 20 . Like the Teurisci, the Latobiks in Pannonia were part of the Latobiks who settled in Norica. The material from the Late Iron Age necropolises from the territories of the Pannonian and Noric Latobiks shows great similarities 21 . Latobiks appeared in Norica and Pannonia shortly before the arrival of the Romans 22 . This tribe was under the leadership of the Teurisci. Further to the east, the neighbors of the Latobiks were the Vartsians, whose ethnicity there is no consensus. Some researchers consider the Vartsians to be Celts 23, others - Illyrians 24. The name of the tribe is derived from the name of the supposed main settlement (Varcia), the location of which is uncertain; in Roman times, Andautonia was associated with the Vartians 25.

River valley Colapis (modern Kupa, the right tributary of the Sava) and a small part of the Sava at Siskiya (modern Sisak) were occupied by the Illyrian tribe of the Kolapians, placed, as already noted, by Pliny on the Sava and defined as one of the main Pannonian tribes. Siskiyou is believed to be their center. However, the origin of the city is unclear and its attribution to the Kolapians is conditional 26 . Opinions differ because Appian, our best source for Octavian's Illyrian War, does not mention the Colapiapi tribe, but names the Segestans and connects with them the city of Segestika, whom Dio Cassius calls Siskias (49, 37, 1-6). Appian and Strabo define the region occupied by the Segestans as Pannonian land (App., 111., 17; 22; Strabo, VII, 5, 2). In Pliny, Segestika is the name of the island at the confluence of the Colapis and the Sava (HN, III, 148). The inscriptions of Roman times do not know the segestans, while the cives Sisciani, who served in the cohorts stationed outside Pannonia 27, the horseman ala I Arvacorum, who called himself Siscianus (CIL, III, 4373), is known, and the civitas Colapianorum, mentioned in an inscription from the time of Nero, is known (CIL, III, 14387 = A. Dobo, 468). It testifies to the existence of the Kolapian tribe, who occupied areas along the course of the Kolapis and received their name from the name of the river. We are inclined to think of Siskiyou as the center of the Kolapian tribe. It is possible, however, that the city's population was ethnically heterogeneous 28. In any case, the description of Siskia by the ancients, as we will see later, decisively distinguishes it from what they report about the Pannonians.

Some researchers consider the Ozeriates tribe to be the neighbors of the Kolapians in the east, others - the Brevki; Ozeriates are also placed on the southeastern shores of the lake. Pelso 29. According to Ptolemy, this tribe lived in Upper Pannonia (Geogr., II, 14); They were named by Pliny without specifying the region. It is impossible, however, not to pay attention to what was already noted by K. Pach and in our literature by O. V. Kudryavtsev and to which A. Mochi joined 30, that the name of the tribe and the river Bustricius mentioned by the Ravenna geographer in Pannonia (Geogr. Ravenn ., 218, 18) (in Slavic lands, as is known, the names of rivers Bystritsa are not uncommon) give reason to assume the presence of a Slavic population in Pannonia. It is preferable to see Oseriates on the shores of the lake. Pelso. If we consider them neighbors of the Brevki and leave them on the Sava - in an area whose Romanization began already under Augustus, then it is surprising that there is no other information about this tribe except the name itself, while the neighboring tribes of the Ozeriates are the Vartsians, Latobiks, logs, kolapiana, yaz are repeatedly mentioned in Roman inscriptions. If we place the Ozeriates on the shores of Balaton, the Romanization of which was relatively late, then in this case the lack of evidence about this tribe finds a more satisfactory explanation. Ptolemy also gives indirect confirmation of this. In most cases, he names those tribes of Pannonia that continued to exist in his time, and therefore their territories had not yet been absorbed by Roman cities, which distinguished the interior regions of Pannonia, where there were almost no cities.

The Lower Sava was inhabited by Illyrian tribes - the Brevki and Amantines, and at the mouth of the river - the Scordisci Celts (Strabo VII, 5, 12; App., 111., 3). The Brevki tribe, known for its prominent role in the Pannon-Dalmatian uprising, was obviously very numerous and occupied large areas. Their center was Sirmium, which may have previously belonged to the tribals 31. This is a Thracian tribe that spread in the 3rd century. BC its strength right up to the Danube was then weakened as a result of inter-tribal wars with the Scythians, Bastarnae and especially with the Skordis 32.

Latin inscriptions from Pannonia do not mention a Breucian tribal community, although the name Breucus is known as an ethnikon and personal name, and eight cohorts were formed from the Breucians, most of whom were stationed outside Pannonia 33 . The explanation for this must be sought, apparently, in the fate of the tribe that befell it after the suppression of the Pannon-Dalmatian uprising, to which we will return. Kornakats are considered neighbors of the Brevki; in the lower reaches of the Sava there was a settlement of Cornacum, where the tribe itself is located 34. It seems to us that the Kornakats were not an independent ethnic unit. The civitas Cornacatium (A. Dobo 459-460) mentioned in Roman inscriptions most likely arose as a result of the division of the Breuces and their lands in the Roman period. We will deal with this in the chapter on tribal communities in Pannonia.

Near the Brevki, east of Sirmium, were the areas of the Illyrian-Amantines 35. This tribe is named in an inscription from Roman times (CIL, III, 3224), which we will talk about later. Together with the Sirmiensians, the Amayatins formed a joint tribal community in the Roman period, the origin of which is most likely associated with the dismemberment of the Brevki tribe.

At the confluence of the Sava and the Danube and along the course of the Morava River there were areas of the Pannonian Scordisci 36 . The settlement on the Danube of the Scordisci - one of the most powerful and famous Celtic tribes - is associated with the Celts' campaign in Greece, when they reached Delphi and plundered it in 279 BC. e. sanctuary of Apollo. During the retreat from Delphi, the Celts were defeated; some of them then settled in the Danube lands 37. The settlement of the Scordisci was accompanied by wars with neighboring tribes. The struggle of the Scordisci with the Thracian Triballi tribe led to the fact that both peoples were numerically reduced and weakened (App., 111., 3; Strabo, VII, 5, 11-12). As a result of their long residence among the Thracian and Illyrian tribes, the Scordisci partly mixed with them (Strabo, VII, 1, 1; 3, 2; 3, 11). They were more socially developed than their neighboring tribes. Their hegemony in the Danube lands lasted for a very long time. The long-standing ties of the Scordisci with Macedonia, to whose kings they entered military service as mercenaries, contributed to the disintegration of their communal-tribal system. IN end of III V. BC e. The Scordisci began to mint their own gold coin, which was in use among all the tribes on the Sava right up to Siskia 38 - evidence of their dominance over the neighboring Illyrian tribes. With the conquest of Macedonia by Rome in 148 BC. e. A long series of wars between the Romans and the Scordisci began. In 88 BC. Lucius Cornelius Scipio Asiagenus won a decisive victory over them; then the Pannonians were freed from their rule 39 . But even after 88 BC. The Scordisci remained one of the significant and influential tribes. They supported the Dacians in the 1st century. BC e. in their struggle with the Boii and Teuriscans for the dominance of the Dacians in the regions of pre-Roman Pannonia (Strabo, VII, 5, 2) and then acted as allies of the Romans against the Pannonians.

The area between the Sava and Drava rivers was occupied mainly by Illyrian tribes. According to Festus, it is here that the Pannonians live, surrounded by two rivers (Brev., II, 24). However, the Serretes and Serapilii, whom Pliny placed on the Drava, are considered Celts; their areas were around Petovion 40. On the middle reaches of the Drava lived the Illyrian tribe of the Yaz, whose pre-Roman history is completely unknown. In the lower reaches of the Drava, south of the mountains Mechek (in Hungary), there were Illyrian Andidzet 41.

The west and north-west of Pannonia represented the most Celtic area. Here the Celts created a kind of economic, ethnic and partly political unity. The areas around Carnunt, Savaria, Scarbancia and the northwestern shores of the lake. Pelso was inhabited by the Celts at the same time as their appearance in the Norica areas, around 380-350. BC e. 42 The very names of these Celtic tribes who settled in this region of Pannonia in the first half of the 4th century. BC e., remain unknown.

Of the Celtic tribes of Pannonia, we are most aware of the Boii and Eravisci, who appeared here much later. The settlement of the Boii in Pannonia proved to be a significant factor in its pre-Roman history. The Boii tried to establish dominance over all the tribes of Northern Pannonia, for which they had every reason, since the tribe was highly developed. By the time they settled in Pannonia, the Boii had gone through a long period of wanderings and migrations, communicating with other tribes that influenced their development. Once living in the river valley. Po, where the center of the Boii was Bonoia (modern Bologna), this tribe was forced out from there in the 2nd century. BC e. by the Romans. The Boii settled across the Danube, in the regions of modern Czech Republic (in the German name of which “Bohemia” the ancient name of the country of the Boii was retained - Boiohaemum) 43. Beyond the Danube, the center of the fighting was Stradonice (in the region of modern Bratislava). The city was located on the banks of the river, on a hill (380 m high), was surrounded by a wall and occupied an area of ​​82 hectares. Excavations show that the settlement was inhabited for a long time; handicraft production (blacksmithing, foundry, ceramics, making brooches from iron and gold jewelry covered with enamel) was highly developed. Like the Western Celts, gold coinage among the Boii began in the last third of the 2nd century. BC e., about 120 BC. e. Their gold coins were of fine finish, containing up to 97% gold, amounting to the size of an Attic drachm (7.45 g). In the 1st century BC e. Stradonice was on regular trade relations with the Roman world, from which bronze items, gems, brooches, and wine came to the boi. The Boii also traded with the Danube Celts and with the Celts of Gaul; finds of gold coins of the Boii in the settlements of the Gallic and Danubian Celts are common 44 . At the end of the 1st century. BC e. Stradonice lost its importance, although the settlement existed until the beginning of our era. The region of the Boii beyond the Danube was captured by the Germanic tribe of the Marcomanni.

How significant the main center of the Danube Celts could have been is also evidenced by the excavations of the Vindelik settlement in modern Manhpung (on the upper Danube, near Ingolyntadt), one of the most studied Celtic settlements. The city ceased to exist in 15 BC. e., when the tribes of the Rhets and Vindelici were conquered by Tiberius and Drusus. It was located on a hill over 300 m high; the fortified space occupied 7 km in length and 12 km in width and covered an area of ​​​​about 380 hectares, i.e. the city was twice as large as Bibract. The design of the walls of the Manhinga site (3-meter thick) with rows of wooden beams facing the surface of the wall, lined with large rectangular stone slabs, gives an idea of ​​what the murus Gallicus described by Caesar looked like, which “was protected from fire by stone, and from ramming by - tree". Behind the wall inside the city there was an earthen slope 9 meters thick; it made it possible to climb the wall and served as an additional fortification. The city was densely populated. Excavations have yielded numerous items of Celtic manufacture: weapons, glass objects, bracelets, ceramics, clay molds for casting coins, coin blanks and finished Vindelic gold coins. In the vicinity of the city itself, many coins were found (one find contained up to 1,400 gold coins). There was a large free space inside the city, which was used as a corral and pasture for livestock in case of attacks 45 .

The flourishing of the Celtic oppida was short-lived and took about a hundred years (150-50 BC). It was associated with the high development of crafts and wide trade relations of the Celts. All significant Celtic centers on the Danube were in active economic relations. Gold coins of the Gallic Celts, Danube Boii and Vindelici are found on the route from Bibract to Stradonice. They are found in Vindonpss, in Augusta Vindelikov (modern Augsburg), in Castra Regina (modern Regensburg), in Lavriak (modern Lorch) 46. The decline of the Celtic forts and the cessation of their existence occurs after the anti-Celtic attacks begin in the 1st century. BC e. movement of Germanic tribes, and from the middle of the 1st century. BC e. Roman aggression was also directed against the Celts.

The Boii, under pressure from Germanic tribes, moved to the north-west of Pannonia in the 80s of the 1st century. BC e. They settled along the river. Leith, in modern times The Lesser Hungarian Lowland, in the regions of Carnunt, Savaria and Scarbancia. They also captured the northwestern shores of the lake. Pelso. In Pannonia, the boii switched to silver coins (weighing 16.5-17 g). This silver coinage already had local circulation; it dates back to 75-60. BC e. and is marked by the influence of Roman denarii. The silver coins of the Boii bore the names of their kings (Nonnos, Busumarus, Iantumarus, Titto, Coviomarus, Cobrovomarus, Maccius, Biatec, etc.) 47 . Biatek was the last Boii king to mint coins. During his time there were wars between the Boii and the Dacians.

The Boys subjugated some tribes to their influence, and pushed others beyond the Danube and to the northeast and southwest of the future province. Obviously, then the Illyrian tribe of Carns, whose center was supposedly Carnunt 48, went to the southwest. Evidence that the Carnians once occupied areas on the Danube was reflected in much later sources - like Expositio totius mundi et gentium, 12, noting that the Boii and Carnians live in the “Boii desert”, and in Ammianus Marcellinus, who calls Carnunt the city of the Illyrians (30, 5, 2). In the middle of the 2nd century. n. e. we find part of the carni in the south of Pannonia at Neviodunum (CIL, III, 3915). Under pressure from the Boys, the Eravisci moved to the northeast (to the region of modern Budapest and south of it) and went beyond the Danube, to the north-west of the future Dacia, the Anarts and part of the Teurisci.

The history of the Eravisci, who occupied the extreme north-eastern regions on the Danube during the Roman period, is little known. Old Hungarian historiography (A. Alföldi, L. Nagy), based on the testimony of Tacitus (Germ., 28; 43), considered the Eravisci an Illyrian tribe that migrated in the 1st century. BC e. from the left bank of the Danube to the northeast of Pannonia and underwent strong Celticization from the Boii. Relatively recently, I. Fitz, drawing attention to the similarity of the funeral rites among the Eravisci and in the regions in the north-west of Pannonia, to the features of the headdress of women, to the identical character of Celtic names found only among the Eravisci and in the north-west (85% of the surviving names of the Eravisci are Celtic), based on the Latin legend of the name of the tribe on the coins of the Eravisci, believes that the Eravisci, before the eviction of the Boii to Pannonia, lived in the north-west, in the valley of the river. Leithes, occupying the areas between the Teurisci and Aparti, went to the north-east of Pannonia under pressure from the Boii. The Illyrian influence noted among the Eravisci is explained, in his opinion, either by the fact that before the Eravisci came to new areas, an Illyrian population lived here, or this population appeared when the Eravisci came here 49 .

The history of the Eraviscan settlement - Aquinca, whose name is Illyrian 50, has been known since the last decades of the 1st century. BC e. and into the Roman period, when it continued to maintain its role as a cult center. The Eraviscan settlement was located on Mount Gellert (within the boundaries of modern Budapest), on the southern slope of which the remains of simple Eraviscan huts and pits that served as pantries for storing food were discovered. The houses were rectangular and oval with a high thatched trapezoid roof, plastered and painted inside. The roof and walls were supported by wooden beams. The houses were adjacent to the cliff; sometimes the rock served as one of the walls. The hearth was built on the ground, in the middle of the house, on a small hill, surrounded by a stone barrier. The inhabitants of the settlement used warm waters flowing under the rock to heat the floor. At the foot of Gellert (in modern Taban) there were ceramic workshops of the tribe. From here come the finds of Eraviscan pottery, the style and manner of production of which influenced Roman pottery from Pannonia in the 1st - early 2nd centuries. n. e. Tame animals found on Mount Gellert stone mills trace back to Western Celtic patterns; typically Celtic character and ceramics - high quality polished bowls and jugs of gray color with traced patterns; vases painted with red and white stripes are the same as those found during the excavations of Bibract. Data from excavations of a Roman camp and settlement in Vetussalini (modern Adon), built on the territory of the Eravisci (at a distance of 50 km from Aquincus), indicate that the local, obviously poor, population in the 1st - early 2nd centuries. n. e. lived in small, rectangular houses sunk into the ground 51. The construction of dwellings in the ground was an Illyrian custom (Strabo, VII, 5, 7).

Funerary sculpture from the Eraviscian areas of Roman times provides an opportunity to see the wealth differences within the tribe. Deceased women and men are depicted (often at full height) in Celtic clothing, fastened at the shoulders with brooches, with a chain (torques) around the neck, which at this time was a distinction of noble origin. Many tombstones have images of astral symbols (stars, solar disk, crescent), as well as fish and construction tools associated with the religious beliefs of the Celts 52 . Eraviscan coins are marked by the influence of Roman coinage of the 70-60s of the 1st century. to II. e.

The immediate neighbors of the Boii were the Azali, an Illyrian tribe that occupied the area between the Boii and the Eravisci. In the Roman period, they included Brighetioi, although the name of the city was Celtic, 53 which in this case also indicates that the Celts in Pannonia captured dominant settlements conveniently located for defense. The pre-Roman history of the Azals is unknown.

In Pannonia, the Teurisci became allies of the Boii, which indicates that by the middle of the 1st century. BC e. in the north and north-west of Pannonia a sphere of Celtic domination was formed. By this time, a strong formation of Dacogetian tribes had arisen on the Danube under the rule of Birebista, who extended his rule to most of the neighboring peoples (Strabo, VII, 3, 11) 54. The areas of domination of the Dacians, on the one hand, and the Boii and Teurisci, on the other, were divided by the river. Paris (modern Tissa) (Strabo, VII, 5, 2). The Dacians crossed the Danube and ravaged the Thracian and Illyrian regions all the way to Macedonia. The predatory campaigns of the Dacians began to inspire fear in the Romans, so that Caesar was going to fight against them 55 . Attempts by the Dacians to settle in the areas of modern Transdanubia met with resistance from the Teurisci and Boii. The Boii, who opposed the Dacians in alliance with the Teuriscans under the rule of King Kritasir, were defeated by the Dacians (Strabo, V, 1, 6; VII, 3, 11; 5, 2). This king is known from the mopets that bore his name - Ecritusirus (Gesatorix rex Ecritiisiri regis) 56. According to the testimony of the ancients, the country of the Boii, as a result of this defeat, allegedly turned into a desert and pasture for sheep (Strabo, V, 1, 6; VH, 1, 5; 5, 2; Plin., HN, III, 147). This report is greatly exaggerated, since during the Roman period both the Boii and Teuriscan areas were densely populated and the most significant Roman cities arose here.

The site of the battles between the Boii and the Tevrisks is suggested to be at the confluence of the Tisza with the Danube: this is where the finds of coins of the Boii with the name of King Biatek 57 come from. Opinion of A. Alfeldi that these battles took place in 45 BC. 58 is questionable. We are most likely talking about the middle of the 1st century. before i. e. The dominance of the Dacians in Transdupava was short-lived and lasted two to three decades. Soon after the death of Caesar (44 BC), as a result of a conspiracy, Birebista was killed by his fellow tribesmen, and his power fell into several parts (Strabo, VII, 3, 11). A series of campaigns against the Dacians followed during the reign of Augustus.

The central regions of Pannonia were probably inhabited by Illyrian tribes; the very name of the lake. Pelso is considered Illyrian. In addition to the Ozeriates tribe, the Herkuniates tribe is located on the eastern shores of the lake, to the north modern mountains Mechek; this tribe is considered Celtic. The abundant minting of small coins that originated from here is associated with the Hercuniates. The consonance in the name of the Hercynian Forest, called Strabo in the areas of the Suevi (Quads) beyond the Danube (Strabo, VII, 1, 3; 1, 5; 3, 1), and the Hercuniat tribe gives reason to believe that the movement of the Germanic tribes forced them to move to Pannonia not only boii, but also hercuniates 59. The Hercynia Forest (Hercynia silva) - a wooded mountainous region north of the Danube - was located between the upper Rhine and the Carpathian Basin. Some part of the Hercynian forest was occupied by the Boii before their migration to Pannonia (Tacit., Germ., 28; Strabo, VII, 2, 2).

The population of pre-Roman Pannonia was not homogeneous not only in ethnically. It also differed in its level of social development. While individual Celtic tribes, such as the Boii, Teurisci, Scordisci, were highly developed, as evidenced by the hereditary royal power that existed among them, the minting of gold or silver mopette, like the Boii, which circulated as “world money” among all Celts on the Middle Danube, specialized craft production, fortified fortifications, former centers lively trade and craft activities, the Pannonian tribes were at a lower stage of the primitive communal system with simple forms of tribal life.

About the Pannonians, and they, as already mentioned, were a group of Illyrian tribes that lived mainly in the regions south of the Sava, in Dalmatia 60, Appian writes that they do not live in cities, but in fields and villages according to family ties (hata avfpvsiav) that they do not meet in general meetings and they do not have archons over all the people; and although all together they are able to field 100 thousand capable of war, due to lack of command they remain disunited (App., 111., 22). Appian does not list the Pannonskian tribes by name, but reports that the Pannonians live near the Danube, stretching from the Japodians to the Dardanians (111., 14; 22). With the division of Illyricum in 24 BC. e. in Upper (Dalmatia) and Lower (Pannonia) only the Brevki and Andidzeta remained within Pannonia. The description of the Pannonians given by Appian refers to the southern regions of Pannonia, although A. Mochi considered it possible to attribute this message of Appian to the Eravisci 61, which is hardly fair, since what is known about the Eravisci and what we have already discussed distinguishes them from the southern Pannonian tribes . From Appian's report it follows that these tribes had no central authority and lived in home communities of blood relatives. The expression he used xatà ouévîtav indicates the same method of settlement among clans and related groups that Caesar found among the Sueves, indicating that they live gentibus cognationibusque (Saez., BG, VI, 22). That cognatio was understood as a clan and larger family community is evidenced by a Roman inscription from Dalmatia, calling cognatio Nantania 62. The clan organization among the southern Pannonian tribes was preserved at the beginning and into the Roman period (CIL, III, 3224), when the Romans had already divided the clan into administrative-territorial units - centuries in Pannonia and decuria in Dalmatia 63 which appeared transitional form from tribal community to territorial 64.

The Pannonians were distinguished by a spirit of collectivism, direct interest and sympathy for the fate of their fellow tribesmen, natural to the traditions of tribal life. Detachments of neighboring tribes rushed to the aid of Siskia, besieged by the Romans, which we will talk about later. The Dalmatians acted in the same way. As soon as the Roman army came out against them, they entered into an alliance with each other to fight together, and equipped a militia, choosing a certain Versus as their leader (App., 111., 25). We have before us the same practice, repeatedly attested by Caesar for Gaul and Tacitus for Britain and the Germans, when during the war a military leader is chosen from the most experienced and knowledgeable, who acts more by personal example than by the power entrusted to him.

The character of this army can be seen in the example of those Dalmatians. When the Romans besieged their city of Promona, Testimon hurried to the aid of the besieged with another Dalmatian army, but was late. Seeing that he was no longer able to help the city, Testimop disbanded the army, allowing him to go in any direction (App., 111., 26; 27). In case of danger of enslavement, tribes entered into temporary alliances. But even during the Pannon-Dalmatian uprising, they did not put one leader at the head, and each tribe actually independently defended its freedom.

From Appian’s description of the fortifications of the Yapods bordering the Pannonians and the Dalmatian settlements-refuges (111., 12; 19; 25; 26) it follows that some of them were significant settlements, under the protection of whose walls the surrounding population gathered when the Romans approached. Thus, in the Dalmatian city of Synodion, when the Roman army approached, the population from the villages took refuge (App., 111., 27). However, the very location of these settlements indicates that, first of all, they were refuges and places of residence for the tribal leader and nobility. Houses and outbuildings in such settlements were of simple design. The fortifications were essentially large fortified villages, as noted, for example, by Strabop for the main city of the Allobroges of Vienne, the settlement of the carns of Tergesta and the center of the insubres of Mediolan (Strabo, IV, 1, 11; V, 1, 6; VII, 5, 2). However, the siege and assault of such fortifications, which were usually located in hard-to-reach places, caused a lot of difficulties for the Romans. 65

The hillforts of both the Celtic and Illyrian tribes were occupied by a minority of the tribe's population. They were usually inhabited by nobility, artisans, and merchants (during excavations of Celtic settlements, warehouses of goods and coins are often found). Most of the tribe lived in villages of both the Celts and the Illyrians. Coincides with the evidence that characterizes the activities of the Pannonians in Roman times. They are all unanimous that the Pannonians were engaged in agriculture, cultivating millet, barley and rye; their main food was millet and barley (Dio Cass., 49, 36, 2). Dion Cassius, who left a brief description of the living conditions of the Pannonians and their activities (we have already pointed out the bias of his evidence), noted that the Pannonians do not produce either olive oil or wine, except for a very small amount and, moreover, of the poorest quality, but they drink and They eat barley and millet. Their climate and soil are poor, and most of year they live in harsh winter conditions. Due to these reasons, Dion concludes, not without irony, they are considered the bravest of all peoples known to us.

However, the features of Pannonian life noted by Dion distinguished all the northern regions of the Empire. Millet and barley were common in all the Danube countries, and this was due to a more extreme climate compared to Italy, and in Italy itself in the north, millet was also grown, which “will withstand all weather” (Strabo, V, 1, 12). The Dacians also grew rye, barley and millet 66 . Both the Germans and the highlanders of Lusitania cultivated barley and made beer (beer) from it 67 . A drink made from rye and barley, called sabaia, is mentioned by Ammianus Marcellipus and notes that Emperor Valens, who was born in the Iannon city of Cybalae, received the nickname sabaiarius from the legionnaires 68. The agricultural nature of the economy of the Danube regions remained in Roman times 69 . The cultivation of olives in Pannonia was completely impossible, since this crop grows only in southern latitudes. In Roman times, viticulture spread in Pannonia (SHA, vita Probi, 18, 8; Aur„ Viet., Caes., 37, 3-4) 70. The population of pre-Roman Pannonia was also engaged in cattle breeding, fishing, which was favored by the abundance of rivers, hunting and beekeeping; Weaving from wool and flax was widespread.

We do not have information regarding land relations among the Pannonian tribes. It is possible, however, to turn to synchronic evidence about the Getae, Dalmatians and Suevi. The message of Horace about the custom of the Getae to annually redistribute the fields 71 ​​is well known. This is noted by Strabo for the Dalmatians, who every eight years redistributed fields between individual families depending on their size (VII, 5, 5). The same practice distinguished the Suevi, who, according to Caesar, did not have land ownership and were not allowed to more than a year to remain in one place to cultivate the land (BG, IV, 1, VI, 22). The order of the Sueves described by Caesar indicates that the economic unit of the tribe was no longer the clan, but the household community, based on consanguineous ties. The Pannonians were no exception. Those villages that were inhabited by relatives apparently consisted of large families. Despite the insufficiency of data, it is acceptable to assume that a more or less significant layer of nobility had already emerged, possessing large land plots, the origin of which could be associated with the seizure and appropriation of communal land. On this economic basis, the opportunity was created for the emergence royal power and royal land ownership, which was one of the signs of the emerging early class state, as was traced by T. D. Zlatkovskaya in her study of the formation of the state among the Thracian tribes 72 .

The community of Spskii was distinguished by a greater complexity of social organism, and its description by the ancients is of a different nature. This is the only Pannonian community for which we have evidence that allows us to conclude a relatively high level its social development. Our sources call it a fortress or polis. The population of the city consisted of the “prime citizens” and the common people (App., 111., 23; Dio Cass., 49, 37, 2), between whom there were contradictions, manifested in the events that happened in Siskia during the approach of the Roman army. After the capture of Siskia, the Romans imposed a fine on the city (App. 111., 24). Apparently his wealth was based on trade with Italy, which was carried on through Naupport and further along the Sava and its tributaries to Siskiyou and Sirmium. Italian goods reached the Illyrian tribes, Dacians and Scordisci. The monetary fine that the Siskian community had to pay to the Romans shows that money and great material assets were in the hands of the nobility and merchants.

The very location of the city and its fortifications also indicate its wealth and importance. The city was located at the confluence of the Kolapis and the Sava and had walls and towers. The Roman siege of Siskia, as we will see later, took 30 days and required the use of a fleet. The nature of the city’s fortifications serves as a well-known argument in favor of its Celtic origin. Based on the similarities in the locations of the cities, the closest parallel can be the Helvetian center - Tarodun (modern Zarten near Freiburg). Like the Siskiyou, it was located at the confluence of two rivers. The part of the city that was accessible from land was obstructed by a huge ditch (12 m wide and 4 m deep). The Tarodun wall was lined with stone blocks. Its internal backfill consisted of stones and rows of wooden beams held together with a cement-type mortar. In the middle of the wall there was a single gate [the gate in Siskiye is mentioned by Cassius Dio (49, 37, 2)], equipped with two towers on the sides. In front of the gate there was a ditch and an earthen embankment, and a paved street led from the gate into the city. The entire area of ​​the fort surrounded by walls occupied a space of 20 hectares 73 .

A factor that accelerated the development of the tribes of Pannonia was also the influence of the slave world, although due to its remote geographical location most of the Pannonian peoples were barely accessible to this influence. At first, Roman influence reached them through the southern Illyrians and Scordisci. Founded in 181 BC. e. During the Roman colony of Aquileia (modern Gorizia), the southern and western regions of Pannonia entered into direct trade relations with Northern Italy. Before all other tribes of Pannonia, the Teurisci were drawn into economic relations with Rome. Gold deposits in the Teuriscan regions, in the valleys of the Lavantus and Upper Drava rivers, brought the Romans here around 150 BC. e. (Polyb., 34, 10, 10; see Strabo, IV, 6, 12). When the Teurisci, due to a sharp drop in the price of gold in Italy, refused to further develop these placers together with the Romans, this served as a reason for military conflicts. In 129 BC. e. Consul Gaius Sempronius Tuditan defeated the Teurisci and Japodes 74. In 115 BC. e. the Romans also opposed the carps; The consul Marcus Aemilius Squarus fought against them (CIL, III, p. 460; Aur. Vict., De viris illustr., 72) 75 .

Aquileia acquired in the 2nd century. BC e. great economic and then military importance for the penetration of the Romans into the areas northeast of the Alps and into the Middle Danube basin. It became a market for the Illyrian and Celtic peoples, who, in exchange for Italian goods, sold honey, cattle, leather, wax, cheese, and slaves (Strabo, IV, 6, 10; V, 1, 8) 76 . Goods from Aquileia were transported overland to Navport. From Naviort they came to the Iannonian and other Illyrian tribes. Along the river Korkora (modern Krka) ships were transported to Sava and reached Siskiya, which (together with Sirmis) Strabo calls the most important city on the way to Italy (Strabo, IV, 6, 10; VII, 5, 2). The settlement of Navport in the Roman period did not have urban status, but, according to Tacitus, it was similar to a municipality (Ann., I, 20). Here already in the 1st century. BC e. a Roman trading post 77 arose. Inscriptions from the late Republican period name Italian freed traders in Navport. Lucius Servilius Sabinus of Aquileia built a temple and portico to Neptune at Navporte with his own money (CIL, III, 3378). The freedmen Quintus Torravius ​​and Marcus Fulginas Philogenes, magistri vici, took care of the construction of some kind of temple with a portico (CIL, III, 3777). Publius Petronius Amphion and Gaius Fabius Carbono, masters of Navport, by decision of the entire community, built a temple to the Illyrian goddess Ekvorna (CIL, III, 3776). These freedmen belonged to the permanent population of Navport: their tombstones, erected by children, remain here. These first Roman traders and shipowners, who settled in Pannonia already at the end of the Republic, became victims of the Pannon-Dalmatian uprising of 6-9 AD. n. e. (Veil. Pat., II, 110, 6).

The economic penetration of the Romans in the area of ​​​​the future province was facilitated by the “amber road” - a trade road that passed through the southwestern cities of Pannonia - Emona, Petovion, Savaria, Scarbantium and Carnunt, along which Baltic shores amber arrived in Aquileia and other cities in Italy 78. Finds of Roman imports from the time of the late Republic in the area of ​​Emona, Carnunt, and Siskia also indicate trade relations between the tribes living in these areas with the Romans even before the conquest of Pannonia 79 . Findings of Roman denarii from Republican times are common along this route. These areas of Pannonia include the message of Velleius Paterculus about the acquaintance of the Pannonian tribes with in Latin(Veil. Pat., II, 110, 5), belonging to the time of the uprising of 6-9. n. e., as evidenced by Latin legends with the names of kings or the names of tribes among the Celts.

The developed trade between the Danube provinces and Italy in early imperial times, as reported by Strabo and later sources, was obviously based on the long-established economic specifics of the Danube peoples. Economic features, which distinguished one region of the Empire from another, were based on the former craft and agricultural skills of the tribes. The high quality ironwork from Noricum and the woolen cloaks distributed in Italy may in this sense indicate that iron production and wool production were quite common among the Noric Celts and before the Romans. The agricultural specificity of Raetia, known in the Roman period, when the province traded with neighboring provinces and barbarian tribes in resin, wax, cheese, cattle and other agricultural products, could have developed in the pre-Roman period (Strabo, IV, 6, 9; Tacit., Germ. , 41). The Illyrian tribes of Pannonia also had trade relations with the Danube Celts. These connections contributed to the political unification of the tribes under the leadership of one most developed tribe. This factor of the increasing consolidation of the peoples of the Middle Danube could not be ignored by Rome in its advance to the north.

The long-term communication of the tribes with each other, the general course of the historical process, and the influence of the Greek and Roman slave-owning world contributed to the progress of social development of the tribes of Pannonia. The very relationships of tribes with each other, when some of them were more developed, others less, were drawn into communications of a political, military or economic nature, undermined the closed foundations of tribal life. Coinage from pre-Roman Pannonia confirms the influence of some tribes on others and reveals the trade and political connections that they had. The earliest Tevrisk coins, the minting of which began in the 90s of the 1st century. BC e., come from the region of Petovion, on the border of Pannonia and Norica. These coins were distributed mainly in the Upper Sava and Drava valleys. Finds of coins from the area of ​​Petovion, where the Serrets and Serapilii lived (with the names of the kings - Boio, Tinco, Atta, Adnmati, Nemet, etc.) 80, give reason to believe that the Teuriscan coin was in use here and this region of Pannonia was in their sphere domination. The Pannonian tribes on the Lower Sava up to Siskiya used the Scordisci coin. In northwestern Pannonia, coins were minted by the Boii and partly by the Eravisci. The Boii coin was in circulation among the northern Illyrian tribes of Pannonia. However, many types and subtypes of coins come from Pannonia, indicating that they were also minted by lesser tribes. It is not always possible to associate coins with a specific region or tribe. So, from the river valley. Kaposh, where there was a significant Celtic settlement in modern Rögol and where the Hercuniates apparently lived, there are many small silver coins of the Celtic type, the exact attribution of which to any specific tribe is not given.

This diversity of coin types was not so much due to economic reasons, but was intended to emphasize the authority of the king’s power in the eyes of his fellow tribesmen and neighboring peoples 81 . At the same time, the fact of minting a coin indicates a certain complexity of the social organism and is associated with those internal processes, which occurred among tribes and were accompanied by the replacement of consanguineous ties with territorial ones, the emergence of economic ties between tribes, the growth commodity-money relations, the formation of tribal unions. Those tribes of Pannonia which had further advanced in their development and had been exposed to some influence by Greco-Roman civilization were more inclined to accept Roman rule. The fluctuations of the nobility in their sympathies for Rome, the rivalry of significant tribes with each other, and the general disunity of the forces of the barbarian world contributed to Rome’s conquest of the regions of the Middle Danube. When in the 1st century. BC e. The Romans penetrated into the region of Pannonia, none of the tribal alliances (under the rule of the Boii and Teurisci, Scordisci or Pannonians) was strong enough to resist Rome. The heterogeneity of the ethnic and social structure of Pannonia was reflected in the Roman period in the gradual social and cultural Romanization of individual tribes and regions. The remnants of the tribal organization among the Pannonian tribes, most likely, were not completely eliminated.

1 Plm., HN, III, 147; App., 111., 22; Aur. Viet., Caes., 40, 9.
2 Strabo, VII, 5, 2: 10; Dio Cass., 49, 36, 2; Amm. Marc., 16, 10, 21; 22, 15, 5; 23, 6, 6.
3 Frontin., Strategy II, 1, 15; Dio Cass., 49, 36, 2.
4 Plin., Panegyr., 12; Dio Cass., 71, 7, 1-5; lord., Get., 280.
5 K. Marx and F. Engels. Soch., vol. 21 p. 99.
6 Plin., HN, III, 148; Ptolem., Geogr., II, 14, 2; Strabo, VII, 5, 2; 5, 3; 5, 10; App., Ul., 14; Dio Cass., 49, 36, 2; Ist. Borzsak. Die Kentnisse des Altertums über das Karpatenbecken. Budapest, 1936, S. 34-36; A. Graf. Übersicht der antiken Geographie von Pannonien. Budapest, 1936, S. 14-15.
7 Plin., HN, 148; Ptolem., Geogr., II, 15; Dimensuratio provinciarum, 18 (A. Riese. Geographi Latini Minores. Heilbronnae, 1878); A. Moxy. Pannonia.- RE, Hbd. IX, col. 584.
8 A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 13.
9 Ibid., S. 8.24.
10 A Graf. Op cit, S. 14-15.
11 A. Mocsy. Pannoma, col.,526.
12 Now only the mountain slopes in Hungary are covered with forests; neither bears nor wild boars are found in the forests.
13 M. Szabo. The Celtic Heritage in Hungary. Budapest, 1971, p. 14-15.
14 D. Detlefsen. Die Anordnung der geographischen Bücher des Plinius und ihre Quelle. Berlin, 1909, S. 45-46.
15 W. Kroll. C. Plinius Secundus der Altere.- RE, Hbd. 41, col. 305.
16 Strabo, VII, 5, 3; A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 14-16.
17 A. Mocsy, Die Bevölkerung von Pannonien bis zu den Markomannenkriegen. Budapest, 1959 (hereinafter - Bevölkerung).
18 A. Mocsy. Bevölkerung, S. 16-18; idem. Pannonia, col. 530; H. Müller-Karpe. Zeugnisse der Taurisk er in Kärnten.- "Carinthia", 141 (1951), S. 602; R. Egger. Teurnia. Klagenfurt, 1963, S. 10. G. Alföldi is inclined to place the Teurisci ne only in the southwest of Pannonia, but also in the northwest, believing that in the second half of the 2nd century. BC e. and at the turn of the 2nd-1st centuries. BC e. the Teurisci were understood to mean all the inhabitants of Noricum and Western Pannonia (G. Alföldi. Taurisci und Norici. - “Historia”, XV, Hf. 2, 1966, S. 224-241).
19 H. Muller-Karpe. Op. cit., S. 670-672; K. Wdlvonseder. Zur keltischen Besiedlung des Ostalpenraumes.- “Beiträge zur älteren europäischen Kulturgeschichte. Festschrift für R. Egger", II. Klagenfurt, 1953, pp. 90-92.
20 A. Mocsy. Bevölkerung, S. 21-24.
21 H. Müller-Karpe. Op. cit., S. 670-672.
22 During Caesar's time the Latobici were allies of the Helvetii (Caes., BG, I, 5; 28; 29).
23 A. Aljöldi. 1 varciani della Pannonia méridionale ed i loro vicini.- AC, 17, 1918, p. 13-18; A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 22.
24 It has been suggested that the Vartians are an Illyrian tribe with a Celtic name (R. Vulpe. Gli illirici dell’Italia imperiale Romana. - “Ephemeris Dacoramana”, III (1925). Roma, p. 158). Recently G. Petrikovic drew attention to the fact that the nature of the personal names of the Vartsians does not allow one to determine their ethnicity, since Celtic and Illyrian names are found in equal numbers in the inscriptions; some names of the Varziaps are similar to Illyrian names from the region of the Istrian peninsula (H. v. Petricovits. Die Varciani. - VAHD, 1954-1957, II, S. 62).
25 A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 22-24.
26 K. Pach (C. Patsch. Colapiani.- RE, IV, col. 361) and M. Rostovtzeff (M. Ro-stovtzeff. Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft im römischen Kaiserreich, I. Leipzig, 1929, S. 197) considered Siskpy center of the Kolapiap tribe. A. Mayer (A. Mayer. De Iapodibus populo illyrico celtis commixto. - “Serta Hoffil-leriana”. Zagreb, 1940, p. 192-195) believed that the Kolappans originally belonged to the Iapods, a tribe of Illyrian origin. Mayer believes that the Yapods once dominated the Adriatic coast of Italy and brought their colonies to Picenum. Petrikovic (op. cit., S. 64-65) notes that Pliny was mistaken in placing the Kolapiaps on Sava and classifying them as the main tribes of Pannonia. Pliny's knowledge dates back to Warrop, when the tribes of Pannonia were very poorly known to distinguish large tribes from small ones and significant from insignificant ones. But since the connection between North-Eastern Italy and the regions on the Sava passed through the Kolapis valley, the Kolapians, the inhabitants of this valley, could be considered a large tribe. Petrikovych limits their area of ​​settlement only to the flow of the river. Colapis.
27 A. Dobô. Inscriptiones extra fines Pannoniae Daciaeque repertae ad res earundem provinciarum pertinentes. Budapest, 1940, 189 (hereinafter A. Dobô). A. Alföldi believed that the cives Sisciani (like the Roman warrior in the inscription from Arrabona - modern Győr - CIL, III, 4373, who designated himself as siscia-mis), were not only citizens of Siskia, but, like the Vartsians and Latobiks, belonged to a community organized from a tribe - civitas (A. Alföl-di. varciani..., p. 14,17). Petrikovic (op. cit., S. 63-63) drew attention to the fact that the designation of persons by belonging to the community of a particular city has numerous examples (for example, civis Puteolanus, civis Tomitanus) and is by no means understood as evidence of ethnicity. In an extreme case, he believes, the tribe could have received its name from a local settlement attributed to the city, like the Betjsii Traianenses, annexed to the colonia Traiana in the lands of the Khanty.
28 Zippel considered Segestica not a city of the Pannonians, but a city of the Carni, once captured by the Japodes. Traces of this struggle, in his opinion, are contained in Pliny, who calls the decayed cities of the Carns - Ocra and Segesta (HN, III, 131) (G. Zippel. Die römische Herrschaft in Illy-rien bis auf Augustus. Leipzig, 1877, S .228). According to Mommsen, Segestica (or Siskia) was a city of the Celtic tribe of the Skordis (T. Mommsen. History of Rome. M., 1937, pp. 161-162). It is interesting to note that the name Segesta was borne by the father-in-law of Arminius, the famous leader of the Cherusci (Strabo, VII, 1, 4; Tacit., Ann., I, 55; 57; 71).
29 A. Mocsy (A. Mocsy. Bevölkerung, S. 26) initially placed the Oseriates on the Sava and considered them Celts. Then he returned to the old point of view about the possible belonging of the Oseriates to the Slavic tribes (A. Môcsy. Pannonia, col. 708), as Kiepert believed. The similarity is in the name ôaeptàts; And Slavic word the lake (ezero, jezero) seemed to him to be no coincidence; for this reason, he assigned areas along the eastern shore of the lake to the Oseriates. Pelso. G. Petrikovic again placed this tribe in the Pelso region, also drawing attention to the obvious similarity in the name of the tribe and the Russian “lake”. G. Petrikovic gives parallels to ezero in the Indian and ancient Greek languages ​​(H. Petricovits. Op. cit., S. 65). K. Pink (K. Pink. Die Münzprägung der Ostkelten und ihre Nachbarn. Berlin, 1938, S. 131) based on the types of coins from the lake areas. Pelso believes that Ozerpats and Hercuniates lived here. G. Alföldi located the Ozeriates east of Siskiya and considers the Pannonian tribe of Brevki to be their neighbors (G. Alföldi. Eine römische Strassenbauinschrift ans Salona. - Acla Arch. 16, 3-4, 1964, S. 247-255).
30 C. Patsch. Bustricius.- RE, III, col. 1077-1078; O. V. Kudryavtsev. Research on the history of the Balkan-Danube regions during the Roman Empire and articles on general problems of ancient history. M., 1957, pp. 103-112; A Môcsy. Pannonia, col. 708.
31 The king of the Triballi, Sirmus, is known to have sent an embassy to Alexander the Great (Arr., I, 6, 10-11; Strabo, VII, 3, 8).
32 Strabo, VII, 3, 8; 3, 13; 5, 6; 5, I; App., 111., 3; G. Zippel. Op. cit., S. 31-32.
33 CIL, III, 11150; A. Dobô, 185, 188, 187, 365a; C. Patsch. Breuci.-RE, III, col. 381; A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 15; A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 75.
34 A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 21; A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 76.
35 A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 76-78.
36 A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 17-18; A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 78.
37 K. Zeuss. Die Deutschen und Nachbarnstämme. München, 1837, S. 175-177; F. Papazoglu, Srednjobalkanska plemena u predrimsko doba. Sarajevo, 1969, str. 210-214.
38 K. Pmk. Die Münzprägung, S. 38-39, 64-65.
39 A. Môcsy. Pannonia, col. 528.
40 A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 28-30.
41 A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 16; A. Moxy. Bevölkerung, S. 74-75.
42 A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 21; A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 31-36; M. Szabô. Op. cit., p. 11-14.
43 Ihm. Boii.- RE, III, col. 630-632; /. Filip. Die keltische Zivilization und ihr Erbe. Prag., 1961, S. 127-133, 136; 139-143; K.Pink. Die Goldprägung der Ostkelten, S. 25; R. Paulsen. Die Münzprägung der Boier, I. Leipzig - Wien, 1933, S. 1-5.
44 Philip. Die keltische Zivilisation, S. 127-143.
45 H. Vetters. Zur Frage der keltischen oppida. - "Carinthia", 141 (1951), S. 694-697; 7. Fihp. Die keltische Zivilisation, S. 121-133.
46 K. Pink. Die Goldprägung der Ostkelten, S. 23-29.
47 R. Paulsen. Op. cit., I, S. 77-90; II, 30, no. 711-730; 31, no. 731-750; 32, no. 751-754, 758-770; 33, no. 771-777. 782-784, 785-789; 34, no. 792-794, 795-797, 810; 35, no. 811-813, 822-825; /. Filip. Keltove ve Stredni Evrope. Praha, 1956, S. 234, 502-504; idem. Die keltische Zivilisation. S. 141.
48 A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 25, 79.
49 J. Fitz. Herkunft und Ethnicum der Eravisker.- Acta Ant., 6, 3-4, S. 395-405; E. B. Bonis. Die spätkeltische Siedlung Gellerthegy-Taban in Budapest. Budapest, 1969, S. 210-237; A. Moxy. Bevölkerung, S. 59-63.
50 A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 96-97.
51 L. Barkôczi - E. Bonis. Das frührömische Lager und die Wohnsiedlung von Adony (Vetus Salina).- Acla Arch., 4, 1954, S. 139, 143-144, 168.
52 L. Nagy. Les symboles astraux sur les monuments funéraires de la population indigène de la Pannonie.- LA, I, p. 232-243; A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 56-57; idem. Pannonia, col. 724.
53 W. Tomaschek. Asaloi.-RE, I, col. 2638; A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 90, 93; L. Barkôczi. Brigetio. Budapest, 1951, S. 10-11; A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 54-56.
54 C. Patsch. Beiträge zur Volkerkunde von Südosleuropa. I. Bis zur Festsetzung der Römer in Transdanubien.- SBAWW, Philosoph.-hist Kl., 214, 1. Wien - Leipzig, 1932, S. 13-45; A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 19-21.
55 Strabo, VII, 3, 5; VII, 3, 11; Suet., Caes., 44, 3; Aug., 8, 2;
App., Ill., 13; BC, II, 110.
56 R. Paulsen. Op. cit., I, S. 96, Taf. A, No. 1; C. Patsch. Bis zur Festsetzung der Römer in Transdanubien, S. 44-45, Anm. 5-6.
57 A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 20-21.
58 A. Alföldi. Zur Geschichte des Karpathenbekens im I. Jahrhunderts. Leipzig - Berlin, 1942, S. 6, 16.
59 J. Fitz. Herkunft und Ethnicum der Eravisker, S. 402, Anm. 34; A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 73.
60 R. Sy me, in: JRS, 23 (1933), p. 69-71 (rec. on the book: E. Swôboda. Octavian und Illyricum. Wien, 1932); A. Môcsy. Pannonia, col. 519-529; G. Alföldi. Bevölkerung und Gesellschaft der römischen Provinz Dalmatien. Budapest, 1965, S. 50-52 (hereinafter referred to as Bevölkerung).
61 A. Môcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 131-132.
62 G. Alfoldi. Bevölkerung, S. 86.
63 Ibid., pp. 86, 166.
64 E. M. Shtaerman. Community in the western provinces of the Roman Empire.-
Klio, 38, 1960, p. 216.
65 In the triumph of Germanicus over the Germanic tribes in 17, they carried booty, led prisoners, and carried pictures depicting mountains, rivers, and battles (Tacit Ann., II, 41).
66 I. T. Kruglikova. Dacia during the era of Roman occupation. M., 1955, p. 15.
67 Tacit., Germ., 23; Strabo, III, 3, 7.
68 Amm. Marc., 15, 12, 8; 26, 8, 2; 30, 7, 2.
69 E. Gren. Kleinasien und der Ostbalcan in wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung in römischer Kaiserzeit. Uppsala, 1941, pp. 138-139.
70 E. Swöboda. Carnuntum, seine Geschichte und seine Denkmäler. Wien, 1953 S. 124; E. B. Thomas. Römische Villen in Pannonien. Budapest, 1964 S. 73-107, Taf. 64.
71 Horat., Carm., Ill., 24; T. D. Zlatkovskaya. Moesia in the 1st-2nd centuries. n. e. M., 1951, p. 20.
72 T. D. Zlatkovskaya. The emergence of the state among the Thracians of the 7th-5th centuries. BC e. M., 1971, pp. 92-95, 105-108.
73 H. Vetters. Op. cit., S. 690-691.
74 Liv., Per., 59; Dessau, 8885; G. Zippel. Die römische Herrschaft in lllyrien bis auf Augustus. Leipzig, 1877, S. 135-137; G. Alföldi. Taurisci und Nori-ci, S. 233.
75 G. Zippel. Op. cit., S. 137.
76 S. Panciera. Vita economica di Aquileia in età Romana. Aquileia, 1957, p. 19, 76-78, 80-81, 86,95-97. Unfortunately, the work remained unavailable to me: A. Galderini. Aquileia Romana. Milano, 1930.
77 V. Saria. Nauportus.- RE, XVI, 2, col. 2008-2014; S. Panciera. Op. cit., S. 76-78; A. Graf. Op. cit., S. 43-44; A. Möcsy. Bevölkerung, S. 18-19, 94-95. How far Roman traders could penetrate, Tacitus testifies: they were located beyond the Danube, among the Marcomanni, in the capital of Maroboda, in the regions of modern Czechoslovakia (Tacit., Ann., II, 62).
78 R. Saich (SAN, X, p. 357) believed that along “ the amber route» passed the western border of Pannonia.
79 A. Radnöti. Die römische Bronzegefasse von Pannonien. Budapest, 1938, S. 11-13, 18, 20, 25.
80 K. Pink. Keltische Sielbergeld in Noricum, S. 48-49, 61, 71, 73.
81 We can refer here as an analogy to the fact noted by T.D. Zlatkovskaya, when the Thracian kings from the Odrysian tribe minted coins at the end of the 5th - first half of the 4th century. BC e., which was intended for internal circulation and circulated in the territory that fell under their power (T. D. Zlatkovskaya. The emergence of a state among the Thracians, pp. 70-73).

Pannonia (Παννονία) was published as one of the southern Danube regions of the Roman Empire. The regions neighboring Pannonia were Germany, Illyria, Dacia, and Noricum. Pannonia was a huge plain surrounded by mountains, sloping down to the Danube in the east. In addition to the Danube, two main rivers flowed in the Pannonian lands - the Drava and the Sava with numerous tributaries. Pannonia was inhabited by Illyrians, who were distinguished by their warlike character. Individual tribes The Pannonians were led by princes, but already in the 1st century. BC Together with other tribes of Illyrians and Dalmatians, the Pannonians were conquered by the troops of Emperor Augustus and from 9 BC. Pannonia became a Roman province. Subsequently, Pannonia was divided into 3 more parts, ruled by civilian and military governors.

By the end of the 4th century AD. the inhabitants of Pannonia were Romanized, but during the great migration of peoples, the Iazyges, Quadras (2nd century AD), Huns, Ostrogoths (5th century AD), Lombards, Avars (6th century AD) came here. ). In the 7th century AD Slavs appear in Pannonia, displaced by Avars from Dacia. Archaeological and linguistic data indicate that the Pannonian Slavs were the closest relatives of the current Slovinians.

The Pannonian Slavs formed the Pannonian, or Platensk, principality, the history of which is limited to just a few decades from the overthrow of the Avar yoke until the emergence of new conquerors - the Magyars.

Around 835, the Moravian prince Pribina, expelled from Moravia by Mojmir, appeared to the eastern Frankish margrave Rathbod; he was kindly received by the margrave and baptized. For some reason, having quarreled with Rathbod, Pribina fled first to the possessions of the Bulgarian prince, then to Ratimir, the prince of Posavian Croatia, then reconciled with the Frankish king and received from him around 840 a fief of land along the river. Sale, which flows into Lake Blatenskoye. So the Pannonian Slavs, who had until then been scattered throughout southwestern Hungary, united around Pribina. Seeing Pribina's loyalty and his concern for the spread of Christianity, with the help of the priests of the Salzburg archdiocese, King Louis the German made him a real sovereign in 848. Pribina built it near the lake. Blatna (Magyar Balaton, German Platten-See) is a city of the same name "Blatno" (Latin Urbs paludarum, German Moseburg). In 850, Pribina built a large temple in Blatna and invited the Salzburg Archbishop Liupram to its consecration; on this occasion, the “Salzburg anonymous” (“Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum”) names Pribina’s close associates, some of whom have Slavic names, others German. The borders of Pribina's state can be established approximately, according to the instructions "anonymously" of those cities in which Pribina built temples: the westernmost city was the current Optuy in southern Styria (Bettovia), the eastern - Pechukh (Ad quinque baslias), the northern - Kisek (Keisi); Consequently, Pribina's power covered most of what is now Hungary south and west of the Danube and reached eastern Styria. In 862 Pribina fell in the fight against the Moravans. After him, the prince of Pannonia was his son Kocel.

When in 867 St. Cyril and Methodius traveled from Moravia to Rome to visit Pope Nicholas I, but they had to go through the Kotselov Empire. Kocel and his people joyfully received the preachers, with their Slavic language and books, and listened to their preaching during the several months the first teachers stayed there. In 870, Methodius, returning from Rome, remained in Pannonia, as unrest occurred in Moravia; the pope named him Archbishop of the Moravian-Pannonian. The activities of the archbishop aroused the hatred of the German clergy and severe persecution against him.

Kocel died around 874. After his death, power over the Pannonian Slavs was seized by the son of King Louis, Carloman, and then by his son Arnulf, who was forced to transfer Pannonia to the Moravian prince in 884. Having reconquered Pannonia again, Arnulf in 896 handed over lower Pannonia, with the city of Blatn, to the prince of Pannonian Croatia Bratslav.

Since that time, news has disappeared not only about the former power of Pribina and Kotsela, but also about the Pannonian Slavs in general; the name Pannonia is still found in documents of the 11th century, but not in the state sense, but as a historical and geographical definition of various settlements. In the last years of the 9th and first 10th centuries. The Magyars captured Pannonia and absorbed the Slavs.