Yakov Sverdlov whether there was a circular letter. Ode to the most terrible executioner of the Bolshevik revolution

From a family of artisans. In 1900 he graduated from the 5th grade of the gymnasium and worked as a pharmacist's apprentice. Since 1901 member RSDLP. After the 2nd Party Congress (1903) Bolshevik. During the Revolution of 1905 - 1907, one of the leaders of the Yekaterinburg and Ural regional committees of the RSDLP. He was repeatedly arrested and exiled. In 1912 editorial office of the newspaper "Pravda", co-opted into the Central Committee and the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP. Since 1913 in Turukhansk exile.

After Feb. revolution of 1917 arrived on March 29 in Petrograd and participated in the work of Vseros. meeting of the Councils of the RSD (March 29 - April 3), conveyed the Krasnoyar resolution to the meeting. Council, denouncing imperialism. the nature of the war. 3 Apr. sent by the Central Committee of the RSDLP to Yekaterinburg. April 14-15 one of the leaders of the Ural region. conf. RSDLP; elected member Uralobkom party. Del. 7th (April) All-Russian. conf. RSDRGKb) (April 24-29) from the Urals; gave a report on the work of the Ural Party. org-tions; elected a member of the conference presidium and led the sectional work; elected member Central Committee of the RSDLP(b). There was a secret. Central Committee and headed the municipal group under the Central Committee, which led the local parties. organizations during the May-June election campaign to city and district councils. Elected as a councilor and deputy. prev Petrograd Duma district of the capital. On the 1st general city. conf. factory committees (May 30-June 3) elected a member of the presidium of the conference, a member of the Center, the council of factory committees of Petrograd During the work of the 1st All-Russian. The Bolsheviks led the activities of the Congress of Soviets of the RSD (June 3-24). factions.

After the July events in Petrograd and the destruction of the editorial office of Pravda by cadets on July 5, one of the organizers of the departure of V.I. Lenin underground. Headed the Organizing Bureau (created on June 29) for convening the 6th Congress of the RSDLP(b); July 26 - Aug 3 delegate to the congress from the Tiflis organization, pred. most meetings, delivered a report to the Organizing Bureau and an organizational report of the Central Committee: elected member. Central Committee of the RSDLP(b). Aug 5 entered the narrow composition of the Central Committee, at a meeting on August 6. Sverdlov was given instructions to organize a group under the Central Committee to work in the trade union movement. He headed the activities of the Secretariat, carried out active work on personnel placement, and establishing connections with local parties. org-tions, the creation of printed organs of the party: joint. with F.E. Dzerzhinsky exercised control over the actions of the Military. organization under the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), on the initiative of Sverdlov, courses for agitators from soldiers were created. Participated in organizing the activities of the Interdistrict Meeting of Petrograd district councils, factory committees, and city councils. Council of trade unions, communities, women's and youth workers' organizations. Aug 14 entered into Information. bureau created by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the 1st convocation in connection with rumors of an impending counter-revolution. speech Aug 20 elected as a member of Petrograd. Gor. Duma On the days of the speech, Gen. L.G. Kornilov is one of the organizers of the defense of Petrograd, the accelerated formation of Kr units. Guards, roar. agitation among Kornilov's troops. Aug 20 gas was introduced to the editorial board. "Proletarian",

On Sept. for operational leadership created a branch of the Secretariat of the Bolshevik Party Central Committee in Smolny. factions of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet. 24 Sep. On behalf of the Central Committee, he spoke at a meeting of members of the Central Committee, the PC of the RSDLP (b) and delegates of the Democratic Party. meeting with a report on the campaign for elections to the Institution. Collection and on the issue of convening an emergency party congress: the Central Committee was sent to the commission for convening the 2nd All-Russian Federation. Congress of Soviets of the RSD. From 7 Oct. member of the Bureau of the Party Central Committee for information on the fight against counter-revolution. Was before. at a meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) on October 10, which adopted a decision on armament. restore (reported on the situation on the Northern, Western and Roman fronts and throughout Russia). Participated in the organization of the Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region, 4th Petrograd. conf. factory committees, 3rd conf. citywide desk org-tions and other forums, in military-technical. preparation for the uprising. 16 Oct; prev at an extended meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b); discussed with L.B. Kamenev, who argued that the preparations for the uprising were insufficient [see. "Protocols of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b)", p. 100 - 01] elected member. Military Rev. desk center under the leadership of the uprising, which entered Petrograd. VRK. Oct 18 held a meeting of party representatives. org-tions of Petrograd districts, Military. organization under the Central Committee, military units of the garrison on the issue of readiness for an uprising on the ground. Oct 20 at a meeting of the Central Committee, reading letters from V.I. Lenin to the party members and the Central Committee regarding the act of Kamenev and G.E. Zinoviev, stated that the Central Committee does not have the right to expel them from the party, which Lenin insisted on, and that the convening of the Plenum of the Central Committee is necessary, at the same time confirmed that the issue must be resolved immediately (they decided to prohibit them from speaking against the decisions of the Central Committee) (ibid., p. 107). According to the decision of Petrograd. The Military Revolutionary Committee was involved in the selection of commissars and employees of the Military Revolutionary Committee, organized communications between the Military Revolutionary Committee and district councils and military units, etc. Oct 24 The Party Central Committee entrusted Sverdlov with organizing the monitoring of the Time. pr-vom and his orders, maintain fasting. communication with the reserve headquarters of the uprising - Petropavl. fortress.

Oct 25 on behalf of the Military Revolutionary Committee sent telegrams throughout the country announcing the victory of the uprising in Petrograd. Bolshevik delegate and leader. factions on the 2nd All-Russia. Congress of Soviets of the RSD: elected member. All-Russian Central Executive Committee and its Presidium. Author of the appeal of the Military Revolutionary Committee October 25. “To the rear and the front” about the immediate seizure of local power by the Soviets. Organized the release of Information. bulletins of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) from October 29. From 6 Nov. Member of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. 8 Nov At a meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, on the recommendation of the Central Committee of the party, the Bolshevik faction of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was elected instead of Kamenev. All-Russian Central Executive Committee (with the Secretary of the Central Committee remaining at the post) November 15. opened the joint meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Extraordinary. All-Russian Congress of the CD and the Petrosovet, at which a decision was made to unite the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of the RSD and the Executive Committee of the All-Russian Federation. Council KD. He negotiated with the Left Social Revolutionaries about their entry into the Soviet Union. production On Nov. elected member Established Collection (from Simbir. lips.). As before The All-Russian Central Executive Committee organized work on the creation of Soviet bodies. authorities at the center and locally.

In the beginning Jan. 1918 entered the Emergency. the Military Revolutionary Committee commission for the protection of Petrograd, formed to prevent possible antis. speeches on the day of the start of the work of the Establishment. Collection, which, on behalf of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, opened on January 5. and announced the “Declaration of the Rights of Working and Exploited People.” Opened it and was in front. 3rd All-Russian Congress of Soviets of the RSD (Jan. 10-13), made a report on the work of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, and announced the “Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People,” adopted by the congress. After the unification on January 13. 3rd All-Russian Congress of Soviets of the RSD with the 3rd All-Russian. The Congress of Councils of the CD elected pred. All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of the RSKD. Participated in the organization on February 21. entered the K-t roar. defense of Petrograd during the German offensive. troops. On February 21, the plenary meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted, at the suggestion of Sverdlov, a resolution supporting the decision of the Council of People's Commissars to conclude peace with Germany. 23 Feb The joint meeting was held by a Bolshevik. and the Left Socialist Revolutionary faction of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the issue of peace. On the night of February 24. Plenum of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee pred. Sverdlov decided to accept Germany. conditions of the world. On March 6, he opened the meeting of the 7th Congress of the RCP (b), prev. all meetings, gave an organizational report to the Central Committee with a speech on Lenin’s report on war and peace; elected member of the Central Committee. On March 14, he opened the 4th Emergency. All-Russian Congress of Soviets, prev. all meetings; elected before All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

1 Apr. 1918 elected All-Russian Central Executive Committee before. Commission for the development of the Constitution of the RSFSR. Commission for 3 months created the 1st Constitution of the Soviet Union. state Commission member M.A. Reisner recalled: “..only one Ya.M. Sverdlov was able to bring the Commission out of its many different contradictions and give a form that accurately reflected the existing and at the same time opened paths and set milestones for the future” (“About Ya. Sverdlov . Vosp., essays, articles by contemporaries." M., 1985. P. 178): Sverdlov “.. knew better than us all the primordial chaos of the original order” (ibid. p. 179), “And if the first Constitution. does not represent the completeness that was sought in the People's Commissariat of Justice, then it was precisely under the pressure of Sverdlov that “contained within itself the entire possibility of the subsequent work of the All-Russian. congresses with their many. amendments" (ibid., p. 180).

On July 4, 1918, the 5th All-Russia was opened. Congress of Soviets, was before. meetings, on July 6 he entered the center in charge of the liquidation of the speech of the left Socialist Revolutionaries in Moscow. On July 9, he continued his work at the Congress of Soviets; On July 10, the congress unanimously approved the Constitution: the chairman was elected. All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Initiator of the creation in July of courses for agitators and “instructors” at the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (in 1919 they were transformed into a Center, a school, then into the Sverdlov Communist University).

On July 18, S. informed the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee that in the conditions of the attack on Yekaterinburg by units of Czechoslovakia. corps, by decision of the Ural region. Council on the night of July 17, Nicholas II and his family were shot. The Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee approved the decision of the Urals Council.

Aug 30 1918 at 22:40 Sverdlov signed an appeal to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee “To all Soviets of workers, crosses, red armies, deputies, all armies, everyone, everyone, everyone. A few hours ago, a villainous attempt was made on comrade Lenin... Attempts directed against his leaders, the working class will respond... with merciless mass terror against all enemies of the Revolution..." ("Decrees of Soviet Power", vol. 3, M., 1964, p. 266)

On September 2, at the suggestion of Sverdlov, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a resolution: “...The workers and peasants will respond to the white terror of the enemies of the workers’ and peasants’ power with massive red terror against the bourgeoisie and its agents” (ibid., p. 267). During Lenin's illness, Sverdlov chaired meetings of the Council of People's Commissars, continuing to work in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Central Committee of the RCP (b). Participated in the organization of Kr. Army. in preparation for the 1st Congress of the Comintern, in January-February. 1919 - in the work of the first congresses of the Soviets of Latvia, Lithuania and Belarus. in March - the 3rd Congress of Soviets of Ukraine. After a trip to Ukraine and speaking at a rally in Orel, he caught a cold and died upon arrival in Moscow.

Giving a speech in memory of Sverdlov at a meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on March 18, 1919, Lenin said: “The work that he did alone in the field of organization, selection of people, appointment of them to responsible positions in all various specialties - this work will now only be within the power of us in the event that for each of the large industries that Comrade Sverdlov was solely in charge of, you put forward entire groups of people who, following in his footsteps, would be able to get closer to what one person did" (PSS, vol. 38, p. .79).

To the question What is the real name of Yakov Sverdlov? given by the author Yovetlana Sukhanova the best answer is It is well known that Yakov is not Yakov, and far from Mikhailovich (Yankel Movshevich). It was simply more profitable to take a pseudonym; all decent professional revolutionaries and Bolshevik terrorists did this. How did Yakov become Mikhailovich?
Here the devil will break his leg with conspiracy:
1. Father - tradesman Miraim-Movsha Izrailevich Gauchmann and his wife Elizaveta Solomonovna moved from the Pale of Settlement deep into Russia. 1882 - Nizhny Novgorod. City government. My father signed up as an artisan under the name Movsha Sverdlin. Mazepa11 21:09, May 31, 2008 (UTC)
2. His father was Sverdlin (secret surname), before that - Gauchmann (Miraim-Movsha Izrailevich Gauchmann). Although, as far as I know, historians themselves did not rack their brains, let it be Sverdlov, as in all the documents. After all, all the Bolsheviks, who were not originally Russian, were under a pseudonym.
If any of the master historians still finds the truth, it will be a very big deal. What we do know for sure is that his name is Yakel Movshevich (Movshevich is 100%, because his brother is also Movshevich - see Yeshua Solomon Movshevich Sverdlov (Sverdlin)), it seems there will be confusion with the surname (since his father is five times his changed
Source: Wikipedia

Reply from Yoinilga[newbie]
A snotty little Jew, a natural bandit, the way he killed and robbed, a bandit is a bandit. He was 34 years old when he died, and when he organized gangs in Yekaterinburg, he was generally somewhere after 20 years old. And I believe that Kaplan organized this, if from his youth he had already killed, cut off heads, and then immediately a day later he ordered them to be shot and, interestingly, burned in a barrel ----- he was generally a sadist. And there is a monument to him, and again there is a gangster mayor in Yekaterinburg.

Reply from Yergey Oleynikov[newbie]
He’s a goat and not a Sverdlov, and if we take into account that the tribal woman was the wife of the berry, then everything falls into place, and Wikipedia doesn’t say that Svedlov wasn’t hit by a car, but was given to him by the Putilovites and so they only took him to the Kremlin)

Reply from Ivan I[active]
even if they were all THREE TIMES Jews... they judge, as they say, by their deeds)).. But, alas, our rich-minded author with the modest and provocative pseudonym “beggar” is apparently counting only on stupid, illiterate or rabid anti-Semites because what citizen Beggar is trying to push through us here is this monstrous fake in its abomination and cheapness, created by a certain contraceptive named Andryukha Diky.. here is a detailed analysis of this piece of shit: link

Reply from Victor Chernov[active]
Yankel Movshevich, his middle name

Reply from Beggar[newbie]
"Council of People's Commissars (Sovnarkom, SNK) 1918:
Lenin - chairman, Chicherin - foreign affairs, Russian; Lunacharsky - enlightenment, Jew; Dzhugashvili (Stalin) - nationalities, Georgians; Protian - agriculture, Armenian; Larin (Lurie) - economic council, Jew; Schlichter - supply, Jew; Trotsky (Bronstein) - army and navy, Jew; Lander - state control, Jew; Kaufman - state property, Jew; V. Schmidt - labor, Jew; Lilina (Knigissen) - public health, Jewish; Spitsberg - cults, Jew; Zinoviev (Apfelbaum) - internal affairs, Jew; Anvelt - hygiene, Jew; Isidor Gukovsky - finance, Jew; Volodarsky - seal, Jew; Uritsky - elections, Jew; I. Steinberg - justice, Jew;
Fengstein - refugees, Jew.
In total, out of 20 people's commissars - one Russian, one Georgian, one Armenian and 17 Jews."

Yakov Sverdlov and his brothers...

Sverdlov’s personality can rightfully be classified as a genius infernal personality, if such a term can be applied to supporters of the underworld. Having lived a very short life, at the time of his death he was not 34 years old, Yakov Sverdlov managed to contribute so much to the victory of the world revolution, to set a pace of mass bloodletting that few world villains can compete with. The crimes of Sverdlov and his clique can only be compared with the crimes of the Nazis during World War II. Leon Trotsky loved him very much, and he was flattered when he was called the “demon of the revolution.”

But it must be said that in comparison with Sverdlov, the phrase-monger and demagogue Trotsky was clearly a loser. It was not he who rightfully earned the name “demon of the revolution”, but Sverdlov. Unlike Vladimir Lenin and Trotsky, Sverdlov did not make hysterical and pretentious speeches, did not travel around the front in former tsarist carriages, did not give interviews to the foreign press and almost did not appear on the pages of newspapers and magazines. He, occupying the highest position in the Soviet state, remained as if in the shadows all the time, preferring to lead from behind the curtain. His speech, always calm and reasonable, his intelligent appearance with his constant pince-nez and wedge beard, his almond-shaped, always slightly sad eyes, rather suggested a zemstvo doctor than the leader of one of the bloodiest regimes in world history. Anatoly Lunacharsky wrote about Sverdlov: “Of course, there was a lot of internal fire in him, but outwardly he was an absolutely icy man. When he was not on the podium, he always spoke in a low voice, walked quietly, and all his gestures were slow.”

But those who knew Sverdlov closely knew how deceptive this appearance of an intelligent doctor was. Such a powerful force was felt in Sverdlov, such an iron conviction in the work he was doing, that involuntarily he was recognized as the unofficial leader of the entire party. Sverdlov’s quiet voice inspired horror many times greater than Lenin’s heart-rending screams. It was this man who gave the order to kill the royal family, it was he who unleashed the monstrous Red Terror, it was he who initiated the so-called “decossackization”, when about 1 million Don Cossacks, including women and infants, were brutally killed, including buried alive. Until March 1919, there was not a single bloody global action of the Bolsheviks that was not initiated by Sverdlov. No wonder he was called “the brain of the party.” “We have no doubt,” wrote Pavel Paganutsi, “that the monstrous crimes of the Bolsheviks (in 1918 - Author), which surpassed all measures of cruelty, were committed on orders from the center, Moscow, and the main responsibility for them lay with Sverdlov.” ..

Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov was born on May 22, 1885 in Nizhny Novgorod into the family of the owner of an engraving workshop. In Yiddish, his full name sounded like Yankel Movshevich Sverdlov. Mikhail Parkhomovsky writes that Sverdlov’s great-grandfather, a tradesman from the city of Polotsk, was a skilled driller. “Apparently,” says Parkhomovsky, “the surname came from the Belarusian word “sverdlo.”

In childhood, nothing foreshadowed the boy’s bloody character...

His father, Movsha Izrailevich, had three sons: Zavei (Zinovy), Yakov, Benjamin, and also two daughters: Sarah and Sophia. In addition, Movsha Sverdlov had two sons from his second marriage - German and Alexander. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Movsha took as an engraver's apprentice a young man named Hershel Gershelevich Yehuda, who later turned into Genrikh Genrikhovich Yagoda, the future bloody chief of the OGPU. Yagoda, despite the fact that he robbed his master twice, managed to become related to the Sverdlov family by marrying Yankel’s niece, Ida Averbakh.

For his assistance to the revolutionaries, Movsha Sverdlov was under the supervision of the Nizhny Novgorod gendarmerie department.

Yakov's elder brother, Zavel Movshovich Sverdlov, bore the name of Zinovy Alekseevich Peshkov. Zinovy Sverdlov (Peshkov) was a very difficult figure. Here is the data from the French directory “Who's who in France” for 1955-1956: “Zinovy Peshkov, diplomat and general. Born on October 16, 1884 in Nizhny Novgorod (Russia). Volunteer in the French army (1914). Participated in missions: to the USA - 1917, China, Japan, Manchuria and Siberia - 1918-1920.”

Peshkov joined the revolutionary movement from his youth, but quickly moved away from it. However, in this act Zinovy was guided not by ideological considerations, but by some much more subtle reasons. Belonging to secret societies and close connections with Gorky allowed Zinovy Peshkov to maintain connections with the most influential people in the revolutionary and Masonic camp. In 1906, Zinovy, together with Gorky, made a long trip to the USA, where they raised money to support the revolution. It is curious that Zinovy was on friendly terms with the widow and daughters of the great Russian doctor Sergei Botkin, the father of Evgeniy Botkin, the physician of Emperor Nicholas II.

In 1911, Zinovy Sverdlov again left for the USA, where he certainly maintained close ties with his brother Veniamin, and almost certainly with Jacob Schiff. It is interesting that after Zinovy was seriously wounded at the front during the World War, “his many friends and patrons in the French “higher spheres” suddenly remembered that Zinovy had lived in America for a long time, spoke English and had great acquaintances there. At this time, France made every effort to involve the United States in the war on its side. It was decided to use Zinovy to send him to the USA to promote entry into the war on the side of the Allies. Zinovy did everything to facilitate this.” How an ordinary officer of the French army could contribute to such a grandiose event as the entry of the United States into the war is not clear, unless one takes into account Zinovy’s connections with American financial circles...

Brothers: far left Zinovy Peshkov, second right - Yakov Sverdlov

Of course, Zinovy always maintained contact with his brother Yankel, despite the fact that there was supposedly enmity between them. His adoptive father Maxim Gorky (aka Alexey Maksimovich Peshkov) took a prominent part in preparing the coup against the sovereign. It is obvious that Zinovy Peshkov also took a direct part in this coup: he was an intermediary between the Masonic circles in France and the revolutionary circles in Russia. It is no coincidence that in the summer of 1917, French army captain Zinovy Peshkov was appointed representative of France under the government of Alexander Kerensky. Kerensky even awarded him the Order of St. Vladimir 4th degree.

During the Bolshevik coup, Zinovy Peshkov was in Petrograd and outwardly opposed the pro-German policy of the Bolsheviks. He wrote a letter to the named Father Gorky, in which he urged him to change his pacifist position: “The more Germany seizes territories,” he wrote, “the less we will be able to make peace without annexations. In this decisive battle, waged by the best forces of humanity against brutal forces, can Russia remain peaceful?

Nevertheless, when the Bolsheviks came to power, the French sent Zinovy to Moscow, and he had a meeting “on official business” with his brother Yakov. It is unknown what was discussed between them, but in the summer of 1918 Peshkov headed to Siberia. However, we will give the floor to Peshkov himself. In his questionnaire from the 1930s, listing the stages of his military service, he writes: “On January 16, 1918, the War Ministry summoned me to Paris to send me to Russia along the Northern route. On March 7, 1918, I received an order from the General Staff to go to Eastern Siberia, through America and Japan. At the same time, I had a special assignment in Washington from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. On June 1, 1918, I arrived in Tokyo, then in Beijing, and at the end of July I was in Siberia.”

Peshkov welcomes Admiral Alexander Kolchak to power in Siberia in September. Under Kolchak, Zinovy Sverdlov played a very important role. Alexander Amfiteatrov wrote about him: “Carrying out his military-diplomatic service in a French uniform, he was an active liaison agent between the French government and the army command. The act of recognizing Kolchak as the supreme ruler by France was delivered to Omsk by Zinoviy Peshkov.”

By a strange coincidence, the brother of one of Kolchak’s main enemies becomes a military adviser to the French representative under the Kolchak government, General Maurice Janin. Let's not forget that Janin, a prominent freemason, was the curator from French government circles, read Masonic circles, of the case of the murder of the royal family. “Under Kolchak,” writes Vadim Kozhinov, “the British General Knox and the French General Janin were constantly with their chief adviser, Captain Zinoviy Peshkov (younger brother of Ya. M. Sverdlov). Before us is a truly amazing situation: in red Moscow, then, Yakov Sverdlov plays an extremely important role - second only to Lenin, and in white Omsk, his brother Zinovy resides as an influential adviser!

Zinovy Peshkov-Sverdlov - French general...

Peshkov's services in Siberia were appreciated by the French command. General Maurice Janin called his actions very successful. At the insistence of the general, Peshkov was assigned a high pension of 1,500 francs monthly and 5,000 francs at a time.

Thus, the role of Zinovy Sverdlov in the Civil War in Russia in general and in the Yekaterinburg atrocity in particular requires additional and most careful study. It is possible that the murder of the royal family was supervised by certain behind-the-scenes forces and their representatives, both in the “red” and “white” camps. In both cases, the representatives of these secret forces were the Sverdlovs - Yakov and Zinovy.

As for the second brother, Veniamin (Benyamin, Ben, Beni) Sverdlov, he left for the USA even before the revolution and opened a bank there. After the revolution, American political agents gave the following information about Veniamin Sverdlov: “Office of Special Agents of the New York Branch. Ministry of Foreign Affairs (confidential). Mr. Bannerman is the Chief Special Agent. Washington.

Reilly has a business relationship with Veniamin Mikhailovich Sverdlov. On January 15, 1916, Sverdlov arrived in the United States aboard the steamship San Paul. He brought with him a sealed parcel from Colonel Belyaev, a Russian, addressed to General Hermonius, who was connected with some Russian delegations in the United States. Sverdlov was involved in revolutionary activities in Russia in the past. He lived in England for four years and visited Russia in 1915. He knows Siberia well. While in the United States, he worked in the Flint & Co office at 120 Broadway, which owned the building. He is the brother of a prominent communist from Soviet Russia - Sverdlov. While in London, in a private conversation, he stated that he was going with two people to New York to purchase ammunition, but would sail to America separately from these people. He received about one thousand dollars for the trip. He arrived at Flint&Co with the recommendations of partner T. Marshall from London, whose interests were financed by money received from sales of Ural oil. At the beginning of the war, Marshall and Sverdlov often had information about the movement of troops and military operations in England and Russia."

For information, Sidney Reilly, an international adventurer who worked for British, American and German intelligence at the same time, but in fact carried out tasks for the American secret society. Benjamin knew and maintained business relations with the Kuhn, Leib and Co. bank and its leading force, banker Jacob Schiff.

Maxim Gorky with the family of Graver Sverdlov

In 1913, the Security Department reported in its secret reports: “The Police Department has received information that Polotsk tradesman Veniamin Mikhailovich (Benyamin Movshev) Sverdlov, currently living abroad, wanted by the Department’s circular dated June 1, 1907, intends to return to the Empire, using for this purpose the foreign passport of his brother Lev Sverdlov.”

After October 1917, Yakov summoned his brother to Russia, where he was appointed People's Commissar of Railways, but proved unsuccessful in this post. There is information that Veniamin Sverdlov headed the scientific and technical department of the Supreme Economic Council (a secret division of the OGPU, which was engaged in experiments to obtain telepathic information about the inhabitants of Shambhala and the thoughts of Soviet citizens). In 1937, during the “great purge,” Veniamin Sverdlov was arrested, sentenced to 15 years in the camps, but executed in 1939.

Sverdlov did not like to talk about himself and his family. “Yakov Mikhailovich,” recalled his wife Klavdiya Novgorodtseva, “never liked to talk about himself.” And this is quite understandable: the Sverdlov family hid many secrets. One of them is the fact that, being completely insignificant, neither socially, nor culturally, nor financially, the Sverdlov family knew and maintained close relationships with many influential and famous people of their era. First of all, this concerns Maxim Gorky. Gorky knew the Sverdlovs closely even at the time when Yankel and his brothers were very young. “A frequent guest of the Sverdlovs,” wrote Novgorodtseva, “was Gorky, who lived in Nizhny Novgorod in those years, who knew and appreciated this friendly, interesting family.”

Who, how and under what circumstances brought the famous Russian writer together with the “interesting and friendly family” is unknown, but Gorky showed keen interest in her from the very beginning. When in the spring of 1902 Yankel and Veniamin Sverdlov were once again imprisoned for possessing and distributing banned revolutionary literature, Gorky spoke out in their defense, writing a pamphleteering letter in which he sneered at the Imperial government: “In Nizhny,” he wrote, “there are terrible things are happening! Terrible things! The disgusting criminals, political agitators, revolutionaries, two in number, the sons of the engraver Sverdlov, were caught and imprisoned - finally! Now order will triumph in Russia!” Thanks to Gorky's intercession, the brothers were soon released from custody.

Subsequently, as we know, Gorky took a keen part in the fate of Sverdlov’s older brother Zinovy, adopting him. At the same time, he was also his godfather, which, of course, was sacrilege, since according to Orthodoxy, the father and the godfather cannot be the same person. The “baptism” was carried out in 1902 in Arzamas by priest Fyodor Vladimirsky, a friend of Gorky and a secret revolutionary. (By the way, the son of this priest, Mikhail Vladimirsky, became the People’s Commissar of Health in 1931.) Gorky’s biographer Pletnev wrote: “Of course, there was in fact no “sacrament”, but all this was only formally arranged by the “seditious” priest Vasiliev.” In general, hatred of Christianity was in the blood of both Gorky and his “betrothed son.” Mikhail Parkhomovsky provides information about “comic”, according to his concepts, scenes that were acted out by Gorky, Zinovy Peshkov-Sverdlov and others, and then filmed. “In one photo,” writes Parkhomovsky, “there is a biblical scene called “Marriage in Canna of Galilee.” In the foreground - Christ - V. A. Desnitsky, the kneeling slave - Zinovy and the Virgin Mary - Maria Feodorovna, in the background: the high priest with raised hands - Gorky, the groom - Yuri Zhelyabuzhsky, the bride E. F. Pavlova-Asilvanskaya, the servants - Katya Zhelyabuzhskaya and M. S. Botkina, centurion - Amphitheaters. The entire series of these photographs is called “Sacred History in Faces.”

Yakov Sverdlov, chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in the period 1917-1919, with his family - his wife, Claudia Novgorodtseva and son Andrei, future colonel of the USSR Ministry of State Security.

It is curious that the roles are distributed with meaning, deliberately pursuing the goal of mocking the Savior and His Most Pure Mother. Note that the great freemason Gorky is depicted as a Jewish high priest who betrayed the Lord to torture and execution, the blasphemer Peshkov - in the role of an evil slave, Gorky's mistress Maria Andreeva - in the role of the Most Holy Theotokos.

The purpose of the “baptism,” besides desecration of Orthodoxy, was obvious: to hide behind Peshkov’s surname his connection with Yankel Sverdlov, whose name was becoming increasingly notorious. The authorities understood this, and in 1903, by imperial decree, the clergy of the Trinity Church in the city of Arzamas was ordered to return Zinovy to his real surname: Sverdlov. The fact that both the “baptism” and “adoption” of Zinovy by Gorky were pure fiction is proven by Gorky himself, who wrote to Lenin in 1921: “The other day I called Zinovy Peshkov, my so-called adopted son, here from Paris.”

Not only Zinovy, but also Yakov Sverdlov used Gorky’s extensive connections. Thus, in 1903, Yakov, with the help of Gorky, received large financial assistance from Fyodor Chaliapin, who personally donated money for the purchase of a printing unit to Yakov, who came to the Nizhny Novgorod Opera House with Gorky.

But Gorky was not the only famous person whose help Yakov used. During the revolutionary unrest, when Yakov was wanted by the police for organizing mass riots involving murders and robberies, Sverdlov was hiding not just anywhere, but in the apartment of the Yekaterinburg City Duma, attorney-at-law Sergei Bibikov, who knew all the local city authorities closely. In 1918, during the height of the Bolshevik terror in Yekaterinburg, “for this service, Sverdlov recommended that the Soviet of Deputies treat the Bibikov family prudently.”

Having completed only four grades of primary school, having spent a short time as a pharmacist's assistant, at the age of 15, Sverdlov went into the revolution. The reasons that led Sverdlov to the revolution are vague. The boring lie about “official Russian anti-Semitism” is refuted by Sverdlov himself, who wrote in one of his letters: “I personally never knew national oppression, I was not persecuted as a Jew.” No, the reason for Sverdlov’s revolutionary spirit was based on hatred, and deep and ancient hatred, a feeling that, without a doubt, was cultivated in young Yakov by his father.

What revolutionary organizations did Sverdlov join? This question is very confusing and mysterious, like Sverdlov’s whole life. According to the official Soviet canonical biography of Sverdlov, he acted from the very beginning as a member of the Bolshevik Party. However, there is no evidence that Sverdlov was a member of the RSDLP before 1917. In his leaflets he signed himself as “social democrat” or “group of social democrats”. Most likely, in those years Sverdlov had nothing to do with the Bolsheviks. He represented the interests of secret organizations of the West, and specifically the inhabitants of the skyscraper at 120 Broadway, the same Schiff, Solomon Leib, Colonel Edward House and so on. It was this force that organized entire armed groups of its militants in Russia.

Jacob Schiff - American banker who invested in the Russian Revolution

There is also more compelling evidence of Sverdlov’s commitment to Kabbalistic occultism, and, possibly, black magic. Researcher Valery Shambarov writes: “Sverdlov was such a thorough occultist that evidence of his hobbies leaked onto the pages of even Soviet works! I will give two examples from the memoirs of his wife Novgorodtseva.

In 1911, when his wife was about to give birth, Yakov Mikhailovich encouraged her and wrote from prison: “I would like to pour out all my “living spirit” in the hope of strengthening yours.” As we see, the phrase “spirit is alive” is used in the sense of some kind of vital energy. And this combination is characteristic of Sverdlov; it is heard more than once in his conversations and letters. And precisely in this form: not “living spirit”, not “living spirit”, but “living spirit”. That is, this is a term. In Turukhansk exile, where many revolutionaries drank themselves to death and even committed suicide, Yakov Mikhailovich convinces that the main thing is not to lose the “spirit is alive,” to keep the “spirit alive.” This is actually a Kabbalistic term meaning "energy." More precisely, according to occult beliefs, one of several “energies” inherent in man.

Second example. In the Turukhansk region, back in Kureika, Sverdlov acquired a dog, which he named Pes. And I really loved this animal. The dog was endlessly attached to his owner and never parted with him. Wherever Sverdlov went, the dog followed on his heels. At the end of 1916, the Dog died. Yakov Mikhailovich grieved terribly. But what does a grieving owner do? He asked a local hunter to tan the Dog's skin. And then he took her with him everywhere. In the Kremlin, this skin always lay by the bed of Yakov Mikhailovich.

Those who have pets and are truly attached to them will probably shudder at such a display of “love.” But the fact is that a well-known magical ritual is described here. And not just magical, but black magic. By preserving part of the corpse, necromancers, using certain rituals, try to “draw” the spirit of the deceased creature to the earth, to the material plane. Don't let him go to another world. And use it for your own purposes.

Shambarov also cites facts about Sverdlov’s depiction of occult drawings and his knowledge of magical rituals.

Another mystery is the reason for Sverdlov’s departure to the Urals, where he had neither relatives nor acquaintances. There, in the Urals, on the eve of the 1905 revolution, Sverdlov created an organization called the “Combat Detachment of People's Arms” (BONV), which became one of the most criminal and bloody organizations of the revolution of 1905-1907. This organization was formally subordinate to the combat center, which included Moses Lurie, Erasmus Kadomtsev, Miney Gubelman (Yaroslavsky). But in fact, the absolute master in it was Sverdlov, who acted under the nicknames “Comrade Andrei” and “Mikhailovich”. In BONV, “as in the classic mafia or in the Masonic orders, several levels of initiation into the secrets of the organization were created. Only the one at the top of the pyramid had complete information; he coordinated his actions with the combat center.” One of the active militants of BONV, Konstantin Myachin (aka Vasily Yakovlev), defined the rules that reigned in it: “Rule: one knows - no one knows, two are worse, three know - everyone knows.”

Behind the outward intelligence hid a brutal militant and a tough organizer...

Sverdlov was the leader of all anti-government actions in the Urals. The head of the Perm security department wrote to his superiors that “Comrade Andrei”, or “Mikhailovich”, “after the announcement of the Most Merciful Manifesto on October 17, 1905, led all the riots that took place in Yekaterinburg and constantly presided and spoke at all rallies of a revolutionary nature that took place there...”. In leading the militants, Sverdlov relied on monstrous cruelty. When one of the organization’s members, Ivan Bushenov, expressed disapproval of Sverdlov’s methods, he said in an ominously calm voice: “What, Vanyusha, do you want to make a revolution with white gloves? No blood, no shots, no defeats?

The ending follows...

Petr MULTATULI, “Ekaterinburg Initiative”

...“The Black Devil of the Bolsheviks” by Y.M. Sverdlov can safely be considered the initiator of inciting the civil war.

http://www.ptiburdukov.rf/%D0%A1%D0%BF%D1%80%D0%B0%D0%B2%D0%BE%D1%87%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%BA /%D0%91%D0%B8%D0%BE%D0%B3%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%84%D0%B8%D0%B8/%D0%A1%D0%B2%D0%B5 %D1%80%D0%B4%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%B2_%D0%AF%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%B2_%D0%9C%D0%B8%D1%85%D0 %B0%D0%B9%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B8%D1%87

Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov

Among the biographies of the “old Bolsheviks” and comrades of V.I. There is no more mythologized biography of Lenin, rich in intentional errors and distortions, than the biography of Ya.M. Sverdlov. The cities and streets of our country bore his name for a long time. In the squares of central and not-so-central cities, there were monuments, busts, and memorial plaques dedicated to this virtually unknown, but very popular “hero of the revolution” in the Soviet period. If, for ideological reasons, it was necessary to change the old, pre-revolutionary name to a new one, for some reason the name of Sverdlov immediately came to mind. It was believed that this comrade-in-arms of Lenin was in no way involved in the outrages of the times of the cult of personality and the crimes of the Stalin era. And he died seemingly heroically: either he overstrained himself at a rally for Soviet power, or the “internal enemies” of the revolution decided to beat the Jews, and they started with him...

In the second half of the 1980s, at the very dawn of the so-called “perestroika,” sensational revelations of the activities of many revolutionary leaders began to leak into the press. The mass destruction of monuments of the Soviet era and the onset of the time of “reverse renaming” were being prepared. Ya.M. did not escape these perestroika revelations either. Sverdlov.

Complaining about the almost complete lack of sources about his pre-revolutionary party life, journalists broke their spears in disputes: did the fiery orator Sverdlov belong to the Bolsheviks before 1917? Or was he a Menshevik who “adhered” to Lenin’s party, or even a Socialist-Revolutionary, no worse than those who sat in the last composition of the Provisional Government?

Today, the question of Sverdlov’s party affiliation, like many other issues of ideological differences in Russian Social Democracy, is not so relevant. Before the court of history, one thing is clear: Ya.M. Sverdlov, like all his comrades-in-arms, are guilty of inciting the “fire of the world revolution,” which ultimately led to chaos, anarchy, the destruction of Russian statehood, the expulsion and death of millions of Russian people.

The names of Lenin, Sverdlov, Dzerzhinsky, Trotsky and other bloody executioners, indeed, have no place on the map of our homeland. On the other hand, they are individuals who not only entered the history of Russia, but also completely turned this history around, bringing to life the greatest tragedy of the 20th century.

Ya.M. Sverdlov is a figure significantly mythologized by Soviet historiography, debunked and overthrown in the era of “perestroika,” and completely forgotten by modern researchers.

In fact, there are not enough sources to shed light on his real activities. In this article we will try to at least recreate the main stages of his biography, without stooping to Soviet myth-making and “perestroika” defamation.

Childhood and family

Yakov Mikhailovich (Movshovich) Sverdlov was born on May 22 (June 3, new style) 1885 in Nizhny Novgorod, on Pokrovka (later Sverdlov Street). Father Miraim Izrailevich (according to other sources, Movsha, because documents often mention Y. Sverdlov’s patronymic - Movshovich) was not an “artisan engraver,” as reported in the article about Sverdlov in the TSB, but the owner of an engraving workshop. For some reason, Yakov himself does not indicate his father’s real name anywhere.

Real name of Yakov Sverdlov

In the domestic media and on the pages of Internet resources, very emotional discussions about the personality of Ya. Sverdlov, his role in the events of 1917-1918, and the execution of the royal family continue to persist. The true circumstances of his early, unexpected death raise many questions. Judging by the number of search queries, today almost half of the population of the entire post-Soviet space is trying to find out the real name of this colorful character.

Obviously because the man who went down in history under the name Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov had very little of the present.

However, if we put aside most of the anti-Semitic insinuations and idle speculation that appear in modern publications about Sverdlov and turn directly to known archival documents, the surname Sverdlov (Sverdlin) should be recognized as real.

In 1882, Ya.M. Sverdlov’s father registered with the city government of Nizhny Novgorod as an artisan Movsha Izrailevich Sverdlin.

Where and when the family of the future revolutionary came to Nizhny Novgorod is unknown. Under what surname it existed until 1882 - too. Some sources indicate that Movsha Izrailevich arrived in the late 1870s “from Lithuania.” Investigator N.A. Sokolov, who conducted the investigation into the murder of Nicholas II and his family, called Yakov Sverdlov “a tradesman of the city of Polotsk, Vitebsk province,” immediately pointing out that he was born in Nizhny Novgorod.

Yakov Sverdlov was indeed born in Nizhny Novgorod. In the Nizhny Novgorod Book of Records of the Birth of Jewish Children for 1885, he is recorded on May 23 (not 22) under the name Yakov-Aaron. All his brothers and sisters, also born in Nizhny Novgorod, bore the surname Sverdlovs (Sverdlins).

In modern publications, a version has appeared more than once that the engraver Movsha Sverdlin in his former life “beyond the Pale of Settlement” supposedly existed under the surname Gauchmann, and signed up as Sverdlin “for conspiracy”, because began to collaborate with the revolutionary underground. Widow of Ya.M.Sverdlov - K.T. Novgorodtseva in her memoirs directly indicates that Movsha Izrailevich produced stamps and seals for false passports and had a wide clientele among revolutionaries, as well as criminals. But for many years, Sverdlin’s engraving workshop operated quite legally, and its owner did not need “conspiracy” at all.

The version about the surname Gauchmann is currently not confirmed by any documentary sources.

And the reference to the British journalist Robert Wilton, who was very superficially familiar with the materials of the case of the murder of the royal family, looks completely funny. The Briton simply confused Kamenev and Sverdlov, calling the main organizer of the crime a certain Yakov Moishevich Rosenfeld, who never existed in the world. In the same way, English journalists “invented” General Kharkov in 1919, and King George V, without understanding it, made him, along with Denikin and Kolchak, an honorary member of the Order of Michael and George. The award for this mythical character had to be received by the commander of the Volunteer Army V.Z. Mai-Maevsky. And after his death, Sverdlov had to appear in the Western press as Rosenfeld.

Wikipedia has launched a very extensive discussion on finding out the real name of Sverdlov. Unfortunately, none of its participants has genuine documentary data, so the question remains open to this day.

Yakov had brothers (Zinovy, Benjamin, Lev) and two sisters (Sarah and Sophia) from his father’s first marriage. From his father's second marriage - brothers Alexander and German. Almost nothing is known about Sverdlov’s mother, except that her name was Elizaveta Solomonovna and that she was a housewife. My paternal grandfather is a Saratov merchant. Sister Sophia was also married to a jeweler - the owner of an engraving workshop, Averbakh. One of Sverdlov's brothers emigrated to the USA and became a banker there.

According to the recollections of sisters Sarah, Sophia and brother Benjamin, “in childhood, Yakov was playful beyond his years, he seemed older than his years. If he made promises, he always kept them. If he set any goal for himself, he achieved it, no matter how much work it cost him.”

The interrogation protocol of Sverdlov (dated January 12, 1910) reports the following details of his biography: in the column “religion” - “Jewish”, in the column “origin and nationality” - “from the philistines, Jew”, in the column “education” - “in In 1900, he graduated from the 4th grade, 15 years old” in the column “whether he was previously involved in inquiries, how, and how they ended” - “he was involved in 1902 and 1903 in Nizhny Novgorod for belonging to a secret society; the investigations were stopped..."

Revolutionary

It is generally accepted that Sverdlov’s revolutionary biography began in Nizhny Novgorod, when Yakov was barely 16 years old. Some contemporary publications contained information that Sverdlov’s father, an artisan engraver, made and sold counterfeit stamps that were used by political and criminal criminals to forge documents. It is possible that Yakov, while still a teenager, acted as a mediator in these transactions, and therefore he so easily and quickly entered the revolutionary environment, becoming “one of his own” even among criminals in Siberian exile.

According to documents, for the first time Yakov Sverdlov was arrested (detained) by the police for two days on December 3, 1901 for participating in a demonstration during the send-off of A. M. Gorky into exile.

On May 5, 1902, he was arrested for fourteen days for participating in a demonstration at the funeral of student B.I. Rurikov.

On April 14, 1903, Sverdlov was arrested at his apartment. During the search, leaflets of the Nizhny Novgorod Committee of the RSDLP were taken. On August 11, he was released from arrest. On November 12, he was subject to public police supervision for two years at the place of residence of his parents.

On November 24, 1903, he again participated in the funeral of student A.V. Yarovitsky. December 7 - at the funeral of A.V. Panov, who was under police supervision in Nizhny Novgorod. On March 21, 1905, he took part in the funeral of high school student Panov, who shot himself in Yaroslavl. On April 3, again in Nizhny Novgorod, he takes part in the funeral of N.I. Devyatkov, who shot himself. On June 17, 1905, he speaks at a meeting of clerks in the premises of the All-Estate Club in Nizhny Novgorod with an appeal to get the owners to satisfy their demands “by force and weapons.”

The picture turns out strange. Sverdlov either sees off or buries some suicides, or gives speeches to clerks... Actually, other than storing leaflets, no “revolutionary” activity known to the police can be attributed to him.

His “revolutionary work” in Kostroma, Kazan, Yaroslavl, Perm, Yekaterinburg and other cities, which is written about in the TSB, raises even more bewilderments and questions.

From the memoirs of his wife Claudia Timofeevna Novgorodtseva, it is known that on September 28, 1905, Sverdlov came to Yekaterinburg for a purpose unknown to her, where they met. Claudia Timofeevna is the daughter of an Ekaterinburg merchant (one of the streets in the former Sverdlovsk is named after her). She was eight years older than Sverdlov and was considered his wife, although no official marriage was registered between them.

Further, in the documents of the gendarme department and Sverdlov’s case, it is said that on June 10, 1906, “after the defeat of the military organization,” he was arrested on the street in Perm with a passport in the name of L. S. Hertz. On September 22 - 23, 1907, he was sentenced to two years by the verdict of the Kazan Court Chamber. Who this military organization consisted of is not stated in the report of the Perm gendarme department to St. Petersburg. The Bolsheviks, as is known, did not have military organizations. Mindful of the fate of his elder brother, Lenin fundamentally led the party along a “different path.” It turns out that in the revolution of 1905 Sverdlov acted hand in hand with some extremists, like the Socialist Revolutionaries?

After serving exactly two years (Sverdlov’s only prison sentence), he left for Moscow. The TSB reports that on December 13, 1909, Sverdlov was again arrested directly at a meeting of the executive commission of the Moscow Committee of the RSDLP under the name of I. I. Smirnov. But the Moscow Committee of the RSDLP was defeated back in 1905 (four months after its formation), and its first secretary Zemlyachka (nee Zalkind Rozalia Samoilovna) was arrested. Her replacement, V.M. Likhachev was arrested in December 1908. The Moscow organization of the Bolsheviks itself dates back only to March 1917 (see: Moscow city organization of the CPSU, 1917 - 1988. Moscow worker, 1989.) Another myth-making?

In the article about Sverdlov, published in the encyclopedia “The Great October Socialist Revolution” (Soviet Encyclopedia Publishing House, 1977), nothing is reported about the arrest at a meeting of the Moscow Committee of the RSDLP.

On March 1, 1910, by decree of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Sverdlov was sentenced to deportation for three years to the Narym region for revolutionary agitation. On March 17, Sverdlov submits a petition to the police department to replace the deportation to Siberia with travel abroad. They refuse him. On March 31, 1910, he was sent from Moscow by convoy to the Tomsk province. In exile, Sverdlov met Philip (party nickname) Isaich Goloshchekin (aka Shaya Isaakovich Goloshchekin) and other revolutionaries, whom he later, as chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, provided patronage to.

According to the memoirs of V.M. Kosarev, written 30 years after Sverdlov’s death, “as soon as Yakov Mikhailovich arrived in Narym, he immediately began giving lectures on political economy.” The question arises: where did he study it with four classes of education? Already on July 27, Sverdlov escapes from exile. In September 1910, he appears in St. Petersburg, and on November 10 he writes a leaflet in connection with the death of Tolstoy, signed “Group of Social Democrats.”

On November 14, 1910, Sverdlov was arrested in St. Petersburg as an “agent of the Bolshevik Central Committee” (from the Red Archive magazine). When did Sverdlov join the Bolsheviks? The documents are silent about this.

The 50th volume of the TSB (1st edition) says this: “Sverdlov...since 1901 he took part in the Social Democratic movement.” That's all.

In his speech dedicated to the memory of Sverdlov in 1919, V.I. Lenin also found it difficult to name the exact date of such a prominent Bolshevik joining the party: “In the first period of his activity, still quite a youth, he, barely imbued with political consciousness, immediately and completely surrendered to the revolution” (Speech in memory of Ya. M. Sverdlov at an emergency meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee 18 March 1919 //About Yakov Sverdlov. Politizdat, 1985). Not a word is said about Sverdlov’s membership in the Bolshevik Party since 1901 in his obituary (see: Pravda. 1919, March 18).

Neither his brother German Sverdlov nor K. T. Novgorodtseva address this issue in their memoirs about her husband. (See: About Yakov Sverdlov. pp. 181 - 221)

However, sisters Sophia, Sarah and brother Benjamin, many years after the death of their brother, recalled that “by the age of fifteen he had already become a revolutionary, and at sixteen he joined the party.” In what time, if Bolshevism, as a current of political thought (in the famous expression of V.I. Lenin) arose at the Second Congress of the RSDLP, held in London in 1903?..

On April 30, 1911, by resolution of the Special Meeting of Ya.M. Sverdlov is again sent to the Narym region, this time for four years. On December 7, 1912 he escapes. On February 10, 1913, he was arrested at the apartment of G.I. Petrovsky in St. Petersburg. On April 4, by resolution of the Special Meeting, he was sentenced to deportation for five years to the Turukhansk region.

Here Sverdlov was very familiar with I.V. Stalin. At one time they even lived in the same house, but then they quarreled on purely domestic grounds. According to the memoirs of Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, Stalin once told him that the “clean” Sverdlov washed his dishes after every meal, while the future father of nations simply put the plate on the floor, where his hunting dog licked it clean. In retaliation for Sverdlov’s “sour face”, Stalin took and named the dog Yashka. Sverdlov was mortally offended.

In March 1917, former neighbors Sverdlov and Stalin also returned separately from exile in Turukhansk. On March 21, Sverdlov stopped in Krasnoyarsk, where “he spoke at party and Soviet meetings, exposing the Menshevik-SR compromisers” (from the book “Selected Articles and Speeches of Sverdlov,” 1944).

In a very short period of time (from the moment he left Krasnoyarsk on March 23, arrived in St. Petersburg, and from there to Yekaterinburg), Sverdlov suddenly became “the favorite of the Ural workers,” who on April 15, 1917, at the Ural Party Conference, “elected Sverdlov as a delegate to the All-Russian April Conference.” It is still unknown what faction he represented at the April Conference? Bolsheviks, Mensheviks or Bundists?

Sverdlov and Lenin

It is also unknown where and when Lenin met Sverdlov. There are two versions: either at the April Conference of 1917, or in October, immediately before the uprising.

According to the official version of the TSB, after the April conference, little-known Sverdlov was unexpectedly elected head of the Organizational Bureau for convening the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b). After the congress, he “headed the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b), was the main speaker at Bolshevik rallies and received the nickname “black devil of the Bolsheviks” from political opponents (based on the color of his leather jacket, which he never parted with, then this became Bolshevik fashion - E. Sh.), participated in the leadership of the Military Organization under the Central Committee, established connections with local party organizations, maintaining constant contact with V.I. Lenin, who was underground.”

If about the black jacket it’s pure truth, then about the constant connection with Lenin it’s an absolute hoax.

The name of Sverdlov was first mentioned in the 34th volume of the Complete Works of V.I. Lenin (July - October 1917), on page 434, which contains Lenin’s first (and only) short letter-note to Sverdlov, written on October 23, 1917 (that is, literally two days before the coup). This note contains no indication of Lenin’s earlier acquaintance with his addressee:

Comrade Sverdlov.

Only last night I learned that Zinoviev denies in writing his participation in Kamenev’s speech in Novaya Zhizn. How come you don’t send me anything??? I sent all the letters about Kamenev and Zinoviev only to members of the Central Committee. You know it; Isn’t it strange after this that you definitely doubt it? In the case of Zinoviev and Kamenev, if you... demand a compromise, make a proposal against me to submit the case to the party court... this will be a delay. "Kamenev's resignation accepted"? From the Central Committee? Send the text of his statement.

V.I. Lenin’s note was ignored by Sverdlov, as well as by other members of the Central Committee formed at the VI Congress of the RSDLP(b).

Sverdlov was the chairman at the meetings of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) on October 10 (23) and 16 (29), 1917, which decided on an armed uprising; elected a member of the Military Revolutionary Center for the leadership of the uprising. Delegate to the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets, head of the Bolshevik faction of the congress.

In power

Few people know that on October 27 (November 9), 1917, on the second day after the coup, at the first meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, L. V. Kamenev (Rosenfeld) was elected Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. But due to the disorganization policy and insubordination of the Central Committee, Kamenev was removed from the post of Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee eleven days later. On November 8 (21), 1917, he was replaced in this post by Sverdlov. It was V.I. Lenin who nominated him. As N.K. Krupskaya recalled, “the choice was extremely successful.”

How successful is indicated by the events that took place during Sverdlov’s stay in power (one year and four months).

In his speech at the opening of the Constituent Assembly on January 5, 1918 (which everyone was waiting for), Sverdlov emphasized the merciless suppression of exploiters, the establishment of a socialist organization of society and the victories of socialism in all countries. Here, “in the interests of ensuring full power... the armament of the working people is decreed.” Sverdlov ended his speech with strange, far-reaching words: “Let us hope that the foundations of the new society specified in this declaration will remain unshakable and, having established themselves in Russia, will gradually cover the whole world.”

When Sverdlov said that the Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies had instructed him to open the meeting of the Constituent Assembly, voices were heard in the hall from the right and center: “You have blood on your hands, enough blood...”

The Constituent Assembly lasted 12 hours and 40 minutes. The Bolsheviks gained only 25 percent of the votes, and the elections were declared invalid and counter-revolutionary.

“The Black Devil of the Bolsheviks” by Y.M. Sverdlov can safely be considered the initiator of inciting the civil war.

In his well-known speech at a meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on May 20, 1918, Sverdlov frankly said that “if in the cities we have already managed to practically kill our big bourgeoisie, then we cannot yet say the same about the countryside. Only if we can split the village into two irreconcilable hostile camps, if we can kindle there the same civil war that not so long ago was going on in the cities, if we succeed in restoring the rural poor against the rural bourgeoisie - only if we We will be able to say that we will do for the village what we were able to do for the city.”

He said this at a time when the Civil War in Russia had already actually begun, but had not yet completely covered the entire territory of the country. The peasantry was still a homogeneous, inert mass, which was just waiting to be “pushed” into a split from the right or the left. Through surplus appropriation, robbery and violence, the Bolsheviks very soon achieved the desired result.

Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Sverdlov is directly related to the murder of the royal family.

However, today it is reliably known that direct instructions for the destruction of the family were given by Sverdlov.
In the building of the Volga-Kama Bank in Yekaterinburg, the Ural Council met (chaired by A.G. Beloborodov), at which the fate of the tsar, his wife, five minor children and four more from the servants was decided. The order of the Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Sverdlov was carried out: everyone was sentenced to death. On July 18, Sverdlov received a message about the execution of the sentence.

In the evening, the Council of People's Commissars chaired by V. I. Lenin meets in the Kremlin. The floor is given to Sverdlov: “I must state the following. A message was received from Yekaterinburg that, by order of the Ural Regional Council, former Tsar Nikolai Romanov was shot there... The Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, which met today, decided: the decision and actions of the Ural Council were recognized as correct.”

In fact, everything was decided single-handedly by Sverdlov in a narrow circle of close associates (three or four people). He conveyed this decision with Goloshchekin to Yekaterinburg not in writing, but in words.

Sverdlov is also one of the initiators, ideologists and implementers of the “Red Terror” policy. After the assassination attempt on Lenin on August 30, 1918, Sverdlov signed the appeal of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on September 2 “on the transformation of the Soviet republic into a single military camp,” supplemented on September 5 by the “Resolution on Red Terror” issued by the Council of People’s Commissars, which declared mass red terror against all enemies of the revolution.

On January 24, 1919, Sverdlov single-handedly signed a directive from the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), ordering the implementation of harsh punitive measures in suppressing Cossack uprisings against Soviet power on the Don.

Here are some excerpts from this ominous directive:

“The Central Committee decides to carry out mass terror against the White Cossacks, exterminating them without exception; carry out merciless mass terror against all Cossacks who took any direct or indirect part in the fight against Soviet power... Confiscate bread and force all surpluses to be poured into specified points, this applies to both bread and all other agricultural products. .. All commissioners appointed to certain Cossack settlements are invited to show maximum firmness and steadily implement these instructions.”

In fact, the Central Committee did not decide anything. The Plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) on March 16, 1919 (the day of Sverdlov’s death) canceled the January directive. But it was already too late - the infernal machine was set in motion. And how can it be stopped if the directive came from the Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee himself, who was not elected by the people?

Having reached power, upstarts like Sverdlov spared neither the elderly, nor women, nor children. When the extermination of the Cossacks was already in full swing and they, defending themselves from unheard-of terror, rebelled against Soviet power, on the day of Sverdlov’s funeral the VIII Congress of the RCP (b) opened. V.I. Lenin, speaking with a political and organizational report, noted the role of Sverdlov as follows:

“I am not able to replace him even by a hundredth part, because in this work (organizing the work of the Central Committee - E.Sh.) we were forced to rely entirely and had every reason to rely on Comrade. Sverdlov, who often made decisions single-handedly.”

Speaking in the debate, a delegate from the Moscow provincial organization of the RCP (b) N. Osinsky said:

“We need to pose the question directly. We did not have a collegial, but an individual solution to issues. The organizational work of the Central Committee was reduced to the activities of one comrade - Sverdlov.
All the threads were held by one person. This was an abnormal situation. The same must be said about the political work of the Central Committee. During this period between congresses, we did not have a friendly collegial discussion and decision.
We must state this. The Central Committee, as a collegium, actually did not exist... It was considered a great personal merit to Comrade Sverdlov that he could embrace the immensity within himself, but for the party this is far from a compliment...”

In many speeches at the congress, it was noted with bitterness that “we are increasingly developing patronage of close people, protectionism, and at the same time, abuses, bribery, and obvious outrages are being committed by party workers.” And the delegate of the congress from the Military Food Bureau, M. M. Kostelovskaya, criticizing the policy of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in the village, directly said: “This method of work (of Sverdlov) proved that in this way we not only do not introduce class stratification, civil war into the village, but, on the contrary, restore “All strata of the peasantry - large, medium and small - are against us, we are driving a wedge between the city and the countryside, that is, in the wrong place where it is required.”

Final

How did the life of this “fiery revolutionary” end? And here are the questions. On March 6, 1919, Sverdlov gave a short speech in Kharkov at the III All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets of Workers, Peasants and Red Army Deputies. On the same day, he sent telegrams to Serpukhov, Tula, Kursk, Belgorod and Orel, in which he considered it advisable to see his comrades (apparently, the leaders of local party bodies). On the same day, at 21:00, he left Kharkov.

The train to Orel arrived on March 7, at 10 am. Sverdlov, judging by the last telegram, did not intend to get out of his carriage, but he still had to get out: at that time there was a strike of railway workers at the station. According to the memoirs of P. S. Vinogradskaya, published 53 years after Sverdlov’s death, “Yakov Mikhailovich had to hold a rally. This happened in Orel. As the train approached the platform, a meeting of railway workers took place near the station. Comrade B.M. Volin (aka Fradkin), who was then the chairman of the Oryol provincial executive committee, came to Sverdlov to ask him to speak at the rally... A delegation came on behalf of the workers and stated that the railway workers only wanted to listen to Sverdlov... He was enthusiastic met by the workers, shared with them his joyful thoughts about the creation of the Third Communist International. Yakov Mikhailovich returned completely hoarse...”

It seemed to Vinogradskaya that Sverdlov “caught a cold.” Is this true? What actually happened during his meeting with the workers? How can one explain that the train with Sverdlov arrived in Moscow only on March 11? Because the railway workers, having enjoyed the speech about the Third International, peacefully continued the strike on the rails? And it’s unlikely that the striking (and therefore seriously dissatisfied) workers in 1919 would have been delighted by a leather commissar chatting about the world revolution...

The white press of the South of Russia, and behind it the emigrant press, actively disseminated the version that the “black devil of the Bolsheviks” Sverdlov was beaten by peasants at a rally in Orel, from which he subsequently died. This message is most likely a typical newspaper “duck”, propaganda of the white OSVAG. Convinced opponents of Soviet power really wanted to believe that the people again began to “save Russia” by beating the Jews...

There is no doubt that Sverdlov most likely had some kind of inflammatory process before his death. But he was not going to die, since according to some sources he spoke at one of the meetings a day before his death. And according to the medical report, a serious deterioration in health occurred already on March 14. The fateful VIII Congress of the RSDLP (b) was scheduled for March 18, 1919, at which a fierce struggle was to flare up.
Lenin, after being wounded, was no longer so energetic.
The white armies inflicted one defeat after another on the red ones. The question of personnel changes in both the government and law enforcement agencies could arise. In the event of Lenin's displacement, the fullness of not only executive, but also state power would be concentrated in the hands of Sverdlov. And a day and a half before the start of the congress, on May 16, at 16.45, Sverdlov unexpectedly dies, although before that he was in good health.

The version that Sverdlov caught the Spanish flu on his trip to Kharkov is also not without foundation. This disease could bring a young, completely healthy person to the grave in a few days. If we take into account some of the speeches we cited earlier at the congress (after the death of the all-powerful chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee), then we can assume that opposition to his methods of work in the party still existed.
Sverdlov's death itself smoothed over these growing contradictions. The version of poisoning was not seriously considered by anyone, but it is also possible that yesterday’s comrades tactfully “helped” such an odious figure leave the political arena.

Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov

130 years ago, on June 3, 1885, Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov was born. The Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (the formal head of the RSFSR) was a real eminence grise of the revolution. Together with Trotsky, Sverdlov was one of the most sinister figures in the history of Soviet Russia. Cruel and vindictive, nicknamed the “black devil of the revolution,” Sverdlov openly advocated revolutionary terror, initiated the “red terror”, a strike on the countryside and decossackization (essentially, the genocide of the military class of Russia - the Cossacks). It is believed that Sverdlov was also behind the brutal murder of the Romanov family, the former sovereign. Regicide was a fixation for him.

At the same time, Sverdlov was distinguished by phenomenal organizational skills, a unique memory (he remembered everything and everyone), and a talent for selecting and placing the right personnel in place. He became a real eminence grise of the revolution. Therefore, it is not surprising that, according to the English journalist Robert Archibald Wilton, who visited revolutionary Russia, “at first the Bolshevik regime was dominated not by Lenin (Ulyanov), the chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars, but by Sverdlov... the chairman of the all-powerful All-Russian Central Executive Committee.”

Lenin headed the Central Committee of the party and the government, and Sverdlov headed the Secretariat of the Central Committee and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets (VTsIK). But the Secretariat of the Central Committee was the only apparatus of the Central Committee, so work with local party bodies was limited to Yakov Sverdlov. And the Council of People's Commissars (SNK) acted through the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. A very convenient formula was created: “The All-Russian Central Executive Committee, represented by its presidium, decides,” that is, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was not assembled, everything was decided by the presidium, in fact Sverdlov himself.

“Leader number two” had his own group within the party - the “Sverdlovtsians”. Moreover, his supporters were so strong that at the end of his life Yakov Mikhailovich was ready to oppose Lenin himself. After his death, almost all the “Sverdlovtsians” went over to Trotsky’s camp and became “Trotskyists.” Many were later “purged” under Stalin.

Ya.M. Sverdlov is a figure significantly mythologized by Soviet historiography, debunked and overthrown in the era of “perestroika,” and completely forgotten by modern researchers.

Childhood and family

Yakov Mikhailovich (Movshovich) Sverdlov born on May 22 (June 3, new style) 1885 in Nizhny Novgorod, on Pokrovka (later Sverdlova Street).

Father Miraim Izrailevich (according to other sources, Movsha, because documents often mention Y. Sverdlov’s patronymic - Movshovich) was not an “artisan engraver,” as reported in the article about Sverdlov in the TSB, but the owner of an engraving workshop. For some reason, Yakov himself does not indicate his father’s real name anywhere.

The current state of the house on Bolshaya Pokrovskaya Street in Nizhny Novgorod, where Ya.M. was born. Sverdlov

Real name of Yakov Sverdlov

Obviously because the man who went down in history under the name Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov had very little of the present.

In 1882, father Ya.M. Sverdlov registered in the city government of Nizhny Novgorod as an artisan Movsha Izrailevich Sverdlin.

In modern publications, a version has appeared more than once that the engraver Movsha Sverdlin in his former life “beyond the Pale of Settlement” supposedly existed under the surname Gauchmann, and signed up as Sverdlin “for conspiracy”, because began to collaborate with the revolutionary underground. Widow Ya.M. Sverdlova - K.T. Novgorodtseva in her memoirs directly indicates that Movsha Izrailevich produced stamps and seals for false passports and had a wide clientele among revolutionaries, as well as criminals. But for many years, Sverdlin’s engraving workshop operated quite legally, and its owner did not need “conspiracy” at all.

The version about the surname Gauchmann is currently not confirmed by any documentary sources.

Revolutionary

Yankel-Yakov learned to read at home, graduated from the city primary school and was enrolled in a gymnasium. Yakov was distinguished by his amazing intelligence, memory, curiosity, and read a lot since childhood. He was distinguished by his energy and exceptional performance. At the same time, he was a teenager with “character.” Already in high school I became interested in the “revolution” and dreamed of “secret societies.”
Yakov dropped out of high school and left his father’s house. The exact reason is unknown. Perhaps it was a hooligan prank. Yakov moved to the Nizhny Novgorod suburb of Kanavino, where he got a job as an apprentice in a pharmacy. However, Yakov did not stay long at the pharmacy. He was proud and wanted more than to slowly climb the career ladder. I quarreled with the pharmacist and lost my job. For some time, Yakov lived as a free semi-intellectual (“free artist”), getting by with odd jobs, tutoring, rewriting roles for theaters, etc. In fact, Yakov lived at the “bottom” at that time, having appropriate acquaintances in the criminal and semi-criminal environment. He was pulled out of the “bottom” by his childhood best friend Lubotsky, who became interested in politics and joined the local Social Democratic organization. Marxism was a completely legal idea back then and was not persecuted. Yakov was actively involved in revolutionary activities.

As a revolutionary, he showed organizational talent; the party authorities sent him as an emissary to other cities to form party organizations. During the revolution of 1905, Yakov was sent to Yekaterinburg to restore the local destroyed party organization. In the Urals, Sverdlov expanded widely and began to create fighting squads from Social Democrats, Socialist Revolutionaries, anarchists and criminals. At the same time, Yakov showed another of his leading qualities - pathological cruelty. He united around himself the most aggressive and cruel elements. Sverdlov’s “brigade” was called the “Combat Detachment of People’s Weapons” (BONV). The activities of the “brigade” covered a significant territory, including Perm, Yekaterinburg, Ufa, Nizhny Tagil, Chelyabinsk and other cities and settlements. BONV acted within the framework of strict secrecy. The checks of future fighters were very typical, similar to those that existed in various world mafia and terrorist organizations. Thus, one of the future killers of the Romanov family, Ermakov, on assignment in 1907, killed a police agent and cut off his head. Thus, the fighters of the “brigade” were knitted in blood.

They “hunted” the “Black Hundreds” (right-wing activists) and police officers. The treasury was replenished with “exes” (from the word “expropriation”), attacking mail, transports with money, and treasuries. They organized a racket for wealthy people: either give money for “revolutionary needs” or die.

On May 5, 1902, he was arrested for fourteen days for participating in a demonstration at the funeral of student B.I. Rurikov.

His “revolutionary work” in Kostroma, Kazan, Yaroslavl, Perm, Yekaterinburg and other cities, which is written about in the TSB, raises even more bewilderments and questions.

From the memories of his wife Klavdia Timofeevna Novgorodtseva it is known that on September 28, 1905, Sverdlov came to Yekaterinburg for a purpose unknown to her, where they met.

Claudia Timofeevna is the daughter of an Ekaterinburg merchant (one of the streets in the former Sverdlovsk is named after her). She was eight years older than Sverdlov and was considered his wife, although no official marriage was registered between them.

After serving exactly two years (Sverdlov’s only prison sentence), he left for Moscow.

The TSB reports that on December 13, 1909, Sverdlov was again arrested directly at a meeting of the executive commission of the Moscow Committee of the RSDLP under the name of I. I. Smirnov. But the Moscow Committee of the RSDLP was defeated back in 1905 (four months after its formation), and its first secretary Zemlyachka (nee Zalkind Rosalia Samoilovna) was arrested.

Her replacement, V.M. Likhachev was arrested in December 1908. The Moscow organization of Bolsheviks itself dates back only to March 1917 (see: Moscow city organization of the CPSU, 1917 - 1988. Moscow worker, 1989.)

On March 1, 1910, by decree of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Sverdlov was sentenced to deportation for three years to the Narym region for revolutionary agitation.

On March 17, Sverdlov submits a petition to the police department to replace the deportation to Siberia with travel abroad. They refuse him. On March 31, 1910, he was sent from Moscow by convoy to the Tomsk province. In exile, Sverdlov met Philip (party nickname) Isaich Goloshchekin (aka Shaya Isaakovich Goloshchekin) and other revolutionaries, whom he later, as chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, provided patronage to.

According to the memoirs of V.M. Kosarev, written 30 years after Sverdlov’s death, “as soon as Yakov Mikhailovich arrived in Narym, he immediately began to lecture on political economy.” The question arises: where did he study it with four classes of education? Already on July 27, Sverdlov escapes from exile. In September 1910, he appears in St. Petersburg, and on November 10 he writes a leaflet in connection with the death of Tolstoy, signed “Group of Social Democrats.”

The 50th volume of the TSB (1st edition) says this: “Sverdlov...since 1901 he took part in the Social Democratic movement.” That's all.

In his speech dedicated to the memory of Sverdlov in 1919, V.I. Lenin also found it difficult to name the exact date of such a prominent Bolshevik joining the party: “In the first period of his activity, while still quite a youth, he, barely imbued with political consciousness, immediately and completely devoted himself to the revolution.” Neither his brother German Sverdlov nor K. T. Novgorodtseva address this issue in their memoirs about her husband. (See: About Yakov Sverdlov. pp. 181 - 221)

On April 30, 1911, by resolution of the Special Meeting of Ya.M. Sverdlov is again sent to the Narym region, this time for four years.

On December 7, 1912 he escapes. On February 10, 1913, he was arrested at the apartment of G.I. Petrovsky in St. Petersburg. On April 4, by resolution of the Special Meeting, he was sentenced to deportation for five years to the Turukhansk region.

Here Sverdlov was very familiar with I.V. Stalin.

At one time they even lived in the same house, but then they quarreled on purely domestic grounds. According to the memoirs of Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, Stalin once told him that the “clean” Sverdlov washed his dishes after every meal, while the future father of nations simply put the plate on the floor, where his hunting dog licked it clean. In retaliation for Sverdlov’s “sour face”, Stalin took and named the dog Yashka. Sverdlov was mortally offended.

Sverdlov and Lenin

It is also unknown where and when Lenin met Sverdlov. There are two versions: either at the April Conference of 1917, or in October, immediately before the uprising.

Comrade Sverdlov.

V.I. Lenin’s note was ignored by Sverdlov, as well as by other members of the Central Committee formed at the VI Congress of the RSDLP(b).

In power

Few people know that on October 27 (November 9), 1917, on the second day after the coup, at the first meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, he was elected Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Lev Borisovich Kamenev(Rosenfeld).

But due to the disorganization policy and insubordination of the Central Committee, Kamenev was removed from the post of Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee eleven days later. On November 8 (21), 1917, he was replaced in this post by Sverdlov. It was V.I. Lenin who nominated him. How I remembered Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya, “the choice was extremely successful.”

How successful is indicated by the events that took place during Sverdlov’s stay in power (one year and four months).

The Constituent Assembly lasted 12 hours and 40 minutes. The Bolsheviks gained only 25 percent of the votes, and the elections were declared invalid and counter-revolutionary.

“The Black Devil of the Bolsheviks” by Y.M. Sverdlov can safely be considered the initiator of inciting the civil war.

Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Sverdlov is directly related to the murder of the royal family.

On May 9, 1918, at a meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Sverdlov announced that seven family members and four servants had been transported from the Tobolsk provincial house to Ipatiev’s house in Yekaterinburg. On July 12, 1918, member of the Ural Council F.I. Goloshchekin (an old acquaintance of Sverdlov, to whom he provided all kinds of patronage) returned from Moscow to Yekaterinburg. Subsequently, the Bolsheviks justified the destruction of the Romanovs by the threat of the capture of Yekaterinburg by the Whites (allegedly they did not have time to take them out, they were afraid that the tsar would be released, etc.) However, today it is reliably known that direct instructions about the destruction of the family were given by Sverdlov. The Ural Council met in the building of the Volzhsko-Kama Bank in Yekaterinburg (chairman A. G. Beloborodov), at which the fate of the king, his wife, five minor children and four more from the servants was decided.

The order of the Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Sverdlov was carried out: everyone was sentenced to death. On July 18, Sverdlov received a message about the execution of the sentence.

Here are some excerpts from this ominous directive:

When the extermination of the Cossacks was already in full swing and they, defending themselves from unheard-of terror, rebelled against Soviet power, on the day of Sverdlov’s funeral the VIII Congress of the RCP (b) opened. V.I. Lenin, speaking with a political and organizational report, noted the role of Sverdlov as follows:

Speaking in the debate, a delegate from the Moscow provincial organization of the RCP (b) N. Osinsky said:

“We need to pose the question directly. We did not have a collegial, but an individual solution to issues. The organizational work of the Central Committee was reduced to the activities of one comrade - Sverdlov. All the threads were held by one person. This was an abnormal situation. The same must be said about the political work of the Central Committee. During this period between congresses, we did not have a friendly collegial discussion and decision. We must state this. The Central Committee, as a collegium, actually did not exist... It was considered a great personal merit to Comrade Sverdlov that he could embrace the immensity within himself, but for the party this is far from a compliment...”

Final

The white armies inflicted one defeat after another on the red ones. The question of personnel changes in both the government and law enforcement agencies could arise. In the event of Lenin's displacement, the fullness of not only executive, but also state power would be concentrated in the hands of Sverdlov. And a day and a half before the start of the congress, on May 16, at 16.45, Sverdlov unexpectedly dies, although before that he was in good health.

Sverdlov died and was buried with pomp near the Kremlin wall. “We lowered into the grave the proletarian leader who did most to organize the working class, for its victory,” Lenin said mournfully at the funeral.

French communist writer Louis Aragon wrote: “Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov, Lenin’s most faithful comrade, who became the first chairman of the Central Executive Committee, that is, the first head of the new Soviet state, and who, unfortunately for the whole world, was to die of the Spanish flu at the age of thirty-four. I said “to the misfortune of the whole world,” because, of course, if he had survived, Sverdlov, and not Stalin, would have succeeded Lenin.”

Stalin probably understood this no worse than Aragon.

However, there could be another reason for the unexpected death of the “Black Devil”, a very banal one - money. The fact is that Sverdlov was the custodian of a kind of “Bolshevik common fund”. This was done by his second wife, Claudia Timofeevna, née Novgorodtseva. The Politburo Diamond Fund was hidden in her apartment. Part of this “common fund” was probably later discovered in the safe in Sverdlov’s office.

The version that Sverdlov caught the Spanish flu on his trip to Kharkov is also not without foundation. This disease could bring a young, completely healthy person to the grave in a few days. If we take into account some of the speeches we cited earlier at the congress (after the death of the all-powerful chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee), then we can assume that opposition to his methods of work in the party still existed. Sverdlov's death itself smoothed over these growing contradictions. The version of poisoning was not seriously considered by anyone, but it is also possible that yesterday’s comrades tactfully “helped” such an odious figure leave the political arena.