Poland intends to raise the issue of receiving war reparations from Germany to international platforms. This was announced last Sunday, September 24 Chairman of the ruling Law and Justice party(PiS) Jaroslaw Kaczynski. In an interview with the magazine Sieci Prawdy (Network of Truth), he stated:
“We have every chance of reparations; I see no legal grounds for refusal. Poland's arguments should be heard louder in Europe. I am satisfied with the rejection of the trend that forced us to recognize Poland as almost an ally of Germany ( This refers, first of all, to the participation of pre-war Poland in the division of Czechoslovakia. — S.D.). Even in Germany we have heard voices saying that they will not pay because they do not want or cannot pay, but the Polish arguments exist and matter. It is important that this matter becomes public. Therefore, it is necessary to act consistently, dividing all actions into stages. Now is the stage of the Sejm, which means it is not yet the stage of the official speech of the Polish state,” Kaczynski said, recalling that President Andrzej Duda I already raised this issue in a conversation with presidentGermany Frank-Walter Steinmeier. According to the Chairman of PiS, “the issue needs to be carefully prepared, it is necessary to make this issue a problem at the international level, and later move on to more concrete actions.”
According to Kaczynski, Poland suffered not only human but also enormous material losses in World War II. “Germany needs to be reminded of trains full of looted works of art, valuable objects, but also things of less value, ordinary property of Poles,” says the PiS leader. — The feeling of impunity of the occupiers led to the fact that crimes were committed on a massive scale, even in addition to those that are officially recognized as crimes. Poland cannot agree to reduce all the evil and all the crimes of World War II to the Holocaust,” Kaczynski said.
This whole “reparations campaign” began back in July, when at a party (PiS) conference Jaroslaw Kaczynski said that “Poland never refused compensation for the Second World War, and those who think so are mistaken.” The call of the party leader was immediately taken up by his comrades - Deputy Prime Minister Cornel Morawiecki And ministerNational Defense AnthonyMacherevich, who began to detail exactly what reparations Poland is entitled to, and in what specific way they are going to collect them. She also contributed her “five cents” PPrime Minister Beata Szydlo:
“Poland talks about justice. Poland is talking about what needs to be done,” she said. — We are victims of the Second World War. We are victims who have not yet been compensated in any way. Reparations should be a reminder of justice, that Poland belongs. If we are talking about voices that criticize this position, that have a different opinion, then they must first of all look at history and remember what happened on Polish soil during the Second World War,” said the head of government, and as proof of the seriousness of intentions announced the total amount of reparations that Germany must pay to Poland - 258 billion pre-war zlotys or, in terms of the exchange rate on August 1, 1939, 48.8 billion USD (this figure was derived by experts from the Analytical Bureau of the Sejm (Biura Analiz Sejmowych).
Let me briefly remind you: the issue of reparations to Germany for damage caused during the Second World War was decided in 1945 at conferences in Yalta (February 4-11, 1945) and Potsdam (July 17-August 2, 1945), in which they accepted participation of the leaders of the victorious countries: from the USSR - Joseph Stalin, from Great Britain - Winston Churchill, from the USA - Franklin Roosevelt(in Yalta) and Harry Truman(in Potsdam).
Poland's reparation claims were to be satisfied by the USSR from its share (it was planned that Poland would receive 15%; in August 1945, the amount of reparations was agreed upon between the USSR and Poland and secured by a corresponding agreement). The remaining members of the anti-Hitler coalition were supposed to receive reparations from the Western occupation zones. But the USSR’s share was formed through reparations from both zones of occupation - Western and Soviet.
In May 1946, the Western powers refused to pay reparations to the USSR from their occupation zones. Thus, Poland received only a share of reparations from the Soviet occupation zone. After the formation of the German Democratic Republic on October 7, 1949, the governments of the Polish People's Republic and the USSR agreed in August 1953 to refuse to collect reparations from the GDR.
The issue of German reparations in favor of Poland was completely closed on September 12, 1990, with the signing of the state Treaty on the Final Settlement in relation to Germany (also known as the “2+4 Treaty”), concluded between the GDR and Germany, as well as the USSR, Great Britain, and the USA and France. Since during its preparation Poland did not make any demands for reparations, it was agreed that this treaty would block all subsequent demands for reparations.
Now the head Polish Foreign Ministry Witold Waszczykowski- also a member of PiS - shouts at all corners: “In 1953, the Polish government was a communist colony, and therefore all its decisions are invalid. And in general, there are a number of doubts about whether these decisions have any significance in international law.”
Let's say. But what about 1990, noble sir? After all, at the time of the signing of the “Treaty 2+4”, the communist Polish People’s Republic had already sunk into oblivion a year ago and at the helm was a government led by premiere by Tadeusz Mazowiecki And Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Leszek Balcerowicz? Oh, they were then completely absorbed in the “radical transformation of political institutions and local governments, liberalization of prices and privatization of state property,” as a result of which they had no opportunity to be distracted by anything else. Well, those who didn’t make it in time are late, as the German authorities announced to the Cabinet of Beata Szydlo:
“The German government considers the issue of war reparations for damage caused to Poland during the Second World War closed,” she said. Deputy Federal Government Spokesperson Ulrike Demmer. “Berlin is certainly responsible for World War II morally, politically and financially, but the issue of German reparations to Warsaw was finally settled in the past on a political and legal level.”
But despite such a rebuke, the Polish cabinet continues its “onslaught.”
Ukrainian, vilely killed on April 16, 2015 in Kyiv writer and journalist Oles Buzina back in September 2008, he published an article on his website “How the Poles and Hitler divided Czechoslovakia.” The article began like this:
“In the mythology of World War II there is one clear scoundrel - Hitler, and numerous victims of his criminal tendencies. But for some reason Poland got into the role of the very first (and perhaps the main!) of them. How many tears have been shed by Polish historians over the treacherous attack of the Wehrmacht on their defenseless “oichizna”. How many films have been made about noble Polish officers! How many songs have been written about beautiful lancers with pikes who went on their last campaign against tanks? Guderian to the cry of their Baseks and Maryseks!
Alas, this is only a fake sheep's skin of an impudent Polish hyena, who rushed to rob someone else's property, was left without a tail and raised whining all over the world. By the way, it was not I who was the first to call Poland a “hyena”, but a great humanist, democrat and a bit of an imperialist (how could we not?) Winston Churchill. It is he, the most charming Winnie the Pooh of British political thought, who expressed himself in his memoirs about the current “Euro-lawyer” of Ukraine: “Poland is the same Poland that just six months ago, with the greed of a hyena, took part in the robbery and destruction of the Czechoslovak state!”
The indignation of a cognac and cigar lover is easy to understand. He recalled the security guarantees in the event of a German attack that the Polish government demanded from Great Britain in the summer of 1939. premiere of Rydz-Smigly, who had just taken part together with the Germans in the division of Czechoslovakia."
And here’s what Sir Winston Churchill, the “Winnie the Pooh” of British political thought, wrote about Poland back in 1938:
“The heroic character traits of the Polish people should not force us to close our eyes to their recklessness and ingratitude, which over the course of several centuries caused them immeasurable suffering. In 1919, this was a country that the Allied victory, after generations of partition and slavery, had transformed into an independent republic and one of the major European powers. Now, in 1938, because of such an insignificant issue as Teshin ( meaning Cieszyn Silesia — S.D.) the Poles broke with all their friends in France, in England and in the USA, who had returned them to a single national life and whose help they were soon to need so badly. We saw how now, while the reflection of the power of Germany was falling on them, they hastened to seize their share in the plunder and ruin of Czechoslovakia. It must be considered a mystery and tragedy of European history that a people capable of any heroism, some of whose representatives are talented, valiant, and charming, constantly displays such shortcomings in almost all aspects of their public life. Glory in times of rebellion and sorrow; infamy and shame during periods of triumph. The bravest of the brave have too often been led by the foulest of the foul! And yet, there have always been two Polands: one fought for the truth, and the other groveled in meanness” (quoted from Winston Churchill. The Second World War. Book 1. M., 1991, p. 147).
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The article often raised the idea that Poland itself was to blame for its troubles. I don’t presume to assess Poland’s guilt, but the fact that it was far from an angelic country is confirmed by this article. Its original is on the author Olga Tonina.
"... the same Poland that just six months ago, with the greed of a hyena, took part in the robbery and destruction of the Czechoslovak state."
(W. Churchill, "The Second World War")
In the history of every state, there are heroic pages of which this state is proud. There are such heroic pages in the history of Poland. One of these glorious pages of Polish history is Operation Zaluzhye - the armed occupation by Polish troops of part of the territory of Czechoslovakia, which occurred 11 months before the start of World War II.
A brief chronology of events from such a glorious page in the history of the Polish state:
February 23, 1938. Beck, in negotiations with Goering, declares Poland’s readiness to take into account German interests in Austria and emphasized Poland’s interest “in the Czech problem”
March 17, 1938. Poland presents an ultimatum to Lithuania demanding the conclusion of a convention guaranteeing the rights of the Polish minority in Lithuania, as well as the abolition of the paragraph of the Lithuanian constitution proclaiming Vilna as the capital of Lithuania. (Vilna was illegally captured by the Poles several years ago and incorporated into Poland). Polish troops are concentrated on the Polish-Lithuanian border. Lithuania agreed to receive the Polish representative. If the ultimatum was rejected within 24 hours, the Poles threatened to march to Kaunas and occupy Lithuania. The Soviet government, through the Polish ambassador in Moscow, recommended not to infringe on the freedom and independence of Lithuania. Otherwise, it will denounce without warning the Polish-Soviet non-aggression pact and, in the event of an armed attack on Lithuania, will reserve freedom of action. Thanks to this intervention, the danger of an armed conflict between Poland and Lithuania was averted. The Poles limited their demands on Lithuania to one point - the establishment of diplomatic relations - and refused an armed invasion of Lithuania.
May 1938. The Polish government concentrates several formations in the Teszyn area (three divisions and one brigade of border troops).
August 11, 1938 - in a conversation with Lipsky, the German side announced an understanding of Poland’s interest in the territory of Soviet Ukraine
September 8-11, 1938. In response to the readiness expressed by the Soviet Union to come to the aid of Czechoslovakia, both against Germany and against Poland, the largest military maneuvers in the history of the revived Polish state were organized on the Polish-Soviet border, in which 5 infantry and 1 cavalry divisions, 1 motorized brigade, as well as aviation. The “reds” advancing from the east were completely defeated by the “blues”. The maneuvers ended with a grandiose 7-hour parade in Lutsk, which was personally received by the “supreme leader” Marshal Rydz-Smigly.
September 19, 1938 - Lipsky brings to the attention of Hitler the opinion of the Polish government that Czechoslovakia is an artificial entity and supports Hungarian claims to the territory of Carpathian Ruthenia
September 20, 1938 - Hitler declares to Lipsky that in the event of a military conflict between Poland and Czechoslovakia over the Cieszyn region, the Reich will side with Poland, that beyond the line of German interests Poland has completely free hands, that he sees a solution to the Jewish problem through emigration to the colonies in agreement with Poland, Hungary and Romania.
September 21, 1938 - Poland sent a note to Czechoslovakia demanding a solution to the problem of the Polish national minority in Cieszyn Silesia.
September 22, 1938 - the Polish government urgently announces the denunciation of the Polish-Czechoslovak treaty on national minorities, and a few hours later announces an ultimatum to Czechoslovakia on the annexation of lands with a Polish population to Poland. On behalf of the so-called “Union of Silesian Insurgents” in Warsaw, recruitment into the “Cieszyn Volunteer Corps” was launched completely openly. The formed detachments of “volunteers” are sent to the Czechoslovak border, where they organize armed provocations and sabotage.
September 23, 1938. The Soviet government warned the Polish government that if Polish troops concentrated on the border with Czechoslovakia invaded its borders, the USSR would consider this an act of unprovoked aggression and would denounce the non-aggression pact with Poland. The Polish government responded in the evening of the same day. His tone was arrogant as usual. It explained that it was carrying out some military activities only for defensive purposes.
September 24, 1938. Newspaper "Pravda" 1938. September 24. N264 (7589). on S.5. publishes the article “Polish fascists are preparing a putsch in Cieszyn Silesia.” Later, on the night of September 25, in the town of Konské near Třinec, the Poles threw hand grenades and fired at houses in which Czechoslovak border guards were located, as a result of which two buildings burned down. After a two-hour battle, the attackers retreated into Polish territory. Similar clashes occurred that night in a number of other places in the Teshin region.
September 25, 1938. The Poles raided the Frishtat railway station, fired at it and threw grenades at it.
September 27, 1938. The Polish government is putting forward a repeated demand for the “return” of the Cieszyn region to it. Throughout the night, rifle and machine gun fire, grenade explosions, etc. were heard in almost all areas of the Teshin region. The bloodiest clashes, as reported by the Polish Telegraph Agency, were observed in the vicinity of Bohumin, Cieszyn and Jablunkov, in the towns of Bystrice, Konska and Skrzechen. Armed groups of “rebels” repeatedly attacked Czechoslovakian weapons depots, and Polish planes violated the Czechoslovakian border every day. In the newspaper "Pravda" 1938. September 27. N267 (7592) on page 1 the article “The unbridled impudence of the Polish fascists” is published
September 28, 1938. Armed provocations continue. In the newspaper "Pravda" 1938. September 28. N268 (7593) On S.5. The article “Provocations of Polish Fascists” is published.
September 29, 1938. Polish diplomats in London and Paris insist on an equal approach to solving the Sudeten and Cieszyn problems, Polish and German military officers agree on the line of demarcation of troops in the event of an invasion of Czechoslovakia. Czech newspapers describe touching scenes of “combat brotherhood” between German fascists and Polish nationalists. A Czechoslovakian border post near Grgava was attacked by a gang of 20 people armed with automatic weapons. The attack was repulsed, the attackers fled to Poland, and one of them, being wounded, was captured. During interrogation, the captured bandit said that in their detachment there were many Germans living in Poland. On the night of September 29-30, 1938, the infamous Munich Agreement was concluded.
September 30, 1938. Warsaw presented Prague with a new ultimatum, which was to be answered within 24 hours, demanding immediate satisfaction of its claims, where it demanded the immediate transfer of the border region of Cieszyn to it. Newspaper "Pravda" 1938. September 30. N270 (7595) on S.5. publishes an article: “The provocations of the aggressors do not stop. “Incidents” at the borders.”
October 1, 1938. Czechoslovakia cedes to Poland an area where 80 thousand Poles and 120 thousand Czechs lived. However, the main gain is the industrial potential of the captured territory. At the end of 1938, the enterprises located there produced almost 41% of the pig iron produced in Poland and almost 47% of the steel.
October 2, 1938. Operation "Zaluzhye". Poland occupies Cieszyn Silesia (Teschen - Frištát - Bohumin region) and some settlements on the territory of modern Slovakia.
How did the world react to these actions of the Poles?
From W. Churchill's book "The Second World War", volume 1, "The Gathering Storm"
"Chapter Eighteen"
"MUNICH WINTER"
“On September 30, Czechoslovakia bowed to the Munich decisions. “We want,” said the Czechs, “to declare before the whole world our protest against decisions in which we did not participate.” President Benes resigned because “he might end up an obstacle to the development of events to which our new state must adapt." Beneš left Czechoslovakia and found refuge in England. The dismemberment of the Czechoslovak state proceeded in accordance with the agreement. However, the Germans were not the only predators tormenting the corpse of Czechoslovakia. Immediately after the conclusion of the Munich Agreement on September 30 The Polish government sent an ultimatum to the Czech government, which was to be responded to within 24 hours. The Polish government demanded the immediate transfer of the border region of Cieszyn to it. There was no way to resist this brutal demand.
The heroic character traits of the Polish people should not force us to close our eyes to their recklessness and ingratitude, which over the course of several centuries caused them immeasurable suffering. In 1919, this was a country that the Allied victory, after generations of partition and slavery, had transformed into an independent republic and one of the major European powers. Now, in 1938, because of such an insignificant issue as Teshin, the Poles broke with all their friends in France, in England and in the USA, which had brought them back to a united national life and whose help they were soon to need so badly. We saw how now, while the reflection of the power of Germany was falling on them, they hastened to seize their share in the plunder and ruin of Czechoslovakia. At the moment of crisis, all doors were closed to the English and French ambassadors. They were not even allowed to see the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs. It must be considered a mystery and tragedy of European history that a people capable of any heroism, some of whose representatives are talented, valiant, and charming, constantly displays such huge shortcomings in almost all aspects of their public life. Glory in times of rebellion and sorrow; infamy and shame during periods of triumph. The bravest of the brave have too often been led by the foulest of the foul! And yet, there have always been two Polands: one of them fought for truth, and the other grovelled in meanness.
We have yet to tell of the failure of their military preparations and plans; about the arrogance and mistakes of their policies; about the terrible massacres and deprivations to which they doomed themselves with their madness."
Appetite, as you know, comes with eating. Before the Poles had time to celebrate the capture of the Cieszyn region, they had new plans:
December 28, 1938 In a conversation between the counselor of the German embassy in Poland, Rudolf von Schelia, and the newly appointed Polish envoy to Iran, J. Karsho-Sedlevsky, the latter states: “The political perspective for the European East is clear. In a few years, Germany will be at war with the Soviet Union, and Poland will support Germany, voluntarily or forcedly, in this war. For Poland, it is better to definitely take the side of Germany before the conflict, since Poland’s territorial interests are in the west and Poland's political goals in the east, especially in Ukraine, can only be achieved through a previously reached Polish-German agreement. He, Karsho-Sedlewski, will subordinate his activities as the Polish envoy in Tehran to the implementation of this great eastern concept, as is necessary in the end. finally convince and induce also the Persians and Afghans to play an active role in the future war against the Soviets."
December 1938. From the report of the 2nd department (intelligence department) of the main headquarters of the Polish Army: “The dismemberment of Russia lies at the core of Polish policy in the East... Therefore, our possible position will boil down to the following formula: who will take part in the division. Poland must not remain passive at this remarkable historical moment. The task is to prepare well in advance physically and spiritually... The main goal is the weakening and defeat of Russia.”(see Z dziejow stosunkow polsko-radzieckich. Studia i materialy. T. III. Warszawa, 1968, str. 262, 287.)
January 26, 1939. In a conversation with German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, Polish Foreign Minister Jozef Beck, held in Warsaw, states: "Poland lays claim to Soviet Ukraine and access to the Black Sea."
March 4, 1939. The Polish command, after lengthy economic, political and operational studies, completed the development of a plan for the war against the USSR. "East" ("Vshud").(see Centralne Archiwum Ministerstwa Spraw Wewnetrznych, R-16/1).
However, here the Poles were faced with another opportunity to once again play the role of a hyena and rob for free, hiding behind the back of a stronger neighbor, because she, Poland, was lured by the opportunity to rob a neighbor richer than the USSR:
March 17, 1939. Chamberlain made a sharp speech in Birmingham against Germany, in which he declared that England would make contact with other like-minded powers. This speech marked the beginning of a policy of encircling Germany with alliances with other states. Financial negotiations between England and Poland have begun; military negotiations with Poland in London; General Ironside pays a visit to Warsaw.
March 20, 1939. Hitler put forward a proposal to Poland: to agree to the inclusion of the city of Danzig in Germany and to the creation of an extraterritorial corridor that would connect Germany with East Prussia.
March 21, 1939. Ribbentrop, in a conversation with the Polish ambassador, again presented demands for Danzig (Gdansk), as well as the right to build an extraterritorial railway and highway that would connect Germany with East Prussia.
March 22, 1939. In Poland, the beginning of the first partial and covert mobilization (five formations) was announced in order to provide cover for the mobilization and concentration of the main forces of the Polish army.
March 24, 1939. The Polish government submitted a proposal for an Anglo-Polish pact to the British government.
March 26, 1939. The Polish government issues a memorandum in which, according to Ribbentrop, "the German proposals for the return of Danzig and extraterritorial transport routes through the corridor were unceremoniously rejected." Ambassador Lipsky stated: “Any further pursuit of the goals of these German plans, and especially those related to the return of Danzig to the Reich, means war with Poland.” Ribbentrop again verbally repeated the German demands: the unambiguous return of Danzig, an extraterritorial connection with East Prussia, a 25-year non-aggression pact with a guarantee of borders, as well as cooperation on the Slovak question in the form of the neighboring states accepting the defense of this area.
March 31, 1939. British Prime Minister H. Chamberlain announced Anglo-French military guarantees for Poland in connection with the threat of aggression from Germany. As Churchill wrote on this occasion in his memoirs: “And now, when all these advantages and all this help have been lost and discarded, England, leading France, offers to guarantee the integrity of Poland - the same Poland that just six months ago With the greed of a hyena, she took part in the robbery and destruction of the Czechoslovak state."
And how did the Poles react to the desire of England and France to protect them from German aggression and the guarantees they received? They began to transform into a greedy hyena again! And now they were sharpening their teeth to snatch a piece from Germany. As the American researcher Henson Baldwin, who worked as the military editor of the New York Times during the war, noted in his book:
“They were proud and overconfident, living in the past. Many Polish soldiers, imbued with the military spirit of their people and their traditional hatred of the Germans, talked and dreamed of a “march on Berlin.” Their hopes are well reflected in the words of one of the songs:
...clad in steel and armor,
Led by Rydz-Smigly,
We will march to the Rhine..."
How did this madness end? On September 1, 1939, “Clad in steel and armor” and led by Rydz-Smigly began to march in the opposite direction, towards the border with Romania. And less than a month later, Poland disappeared from the geographical map for seven years, along with its ambitions and habits of a hyena. In 1945, she reappeared, paying for her madness with six million Poles' lives. The blood of six million Polish lives cooled the madness of the Polish government for almost 50 years. But nothing lasts forever, and again the cries about Greater Poland “from mozh to mozh” begin to be heard louder and louder, and the already familiar greedy grin of a hyena begins to appear in Polish politics.
The Soviet Union, along with Germany, "significantly contributed" to the outbreak of World War II. This was stated by Polish Foreign Minister Witold Waszczykowski. “It must be remembered that the Soviet Union contributed significantly to the outbreak of World War II and invaded Poland along with Germany. Thus, he is also responsible for the beginning of World War II,” Waszczykowski said. According to him, the USSR participated in World War II “in its own interests,” since it itself was a victim of German aggression.
Who would have thought - the Soviet Union fought in its own interests. And in whose other interests did he need to fight? It just so happened that at the same time the Red Army deprived the Poles of the German governorship general and the “high” rank of subhumans. Moreover, Stalin cut off a fair chunk of Germany to Poland. Now the “grateful” Poles are fighting with our monuments with gusto.
The immortal lines immediately come to mind: “...The Germans were not the only predators who tormented the corpse of Czechoslovakia. Immediately after the conclusion of the Munich Agreement on September 30, the Polish government sent an ultimatum to the Czech government, which was to be responded to within 24 hours. The Polish government demanded the immediate transfer of the border region of Cieszyn to it. There was no way to resist this brutal demand.
The heroic character traits of the Polish people should not force us to close our eyes to their recklessness and ingratitude, which over the course of several centuries caused them immeasurable suffering. In 1919, this was a country that the Allied victory, after generations of partition and slavery, had transformed into an independent republic and one of the major European powers.
Now, in 1938, because of such an insignificant issue as Teshin, the Poles broke with all their friends in France, in England and in the USA, which had brought them back to a united national life and whose help they were soon to need so badly. We saw how now, while the reflection of the power of Germany was falling on them, they hastened to seize their share in the plunder and ruin of Czechoslovakia. At the moment of crisis, all doors were closed to the English and French ambassadors. They were not even allowed to see the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs. It must be considered a mystery and tragedy of European history that a people capable of any heroism, some of whose representatives are talented, valiant, and charming, constantly displays such huge shortcomings in almost all aspects of their public life. Glory in times of rebellion and sorrow; infamy and shame during periods of triumph. The bravest of the brave have too often been led by the foulest of the foul! And yet there have always been two Polands: one of them fought for the truth, and the other grovelled in meanness..."
You can, of course, as is now customary among supporters of total repentance on behalf of the USSR and the Red Army, call the author of these lines a “communist falsifier”, a “Stalinist”, “convict” that he is a “scoop” with imperial thinking, etc. If it was... not Winston Churchill. It’s hard to suspect this political figure of sympathizing with the USSR.
The question may arise: why did Hitler even need to give Poland the Cieszyn region? The fact is that when Germany presented Czechoslovakia with a demand to transfer to it the Sudetenland inhabited by the Germans, Poland played along with it. At the height of the Sudetenland crisis, on September 21, 1938, Poland presented Czechoslovakia with an ultimatum to “return” the Cieszyn region to it. On September 27, a repeated demand followed. A committee was created to recruit volunteers for the invasion corps. Armed provocations were organized: a Polish detachment crossed the border and fought a two-hour battle on Czechoslovak territory. On the night of September 26, the Poles raided the Frishtat station. Polish planes violated the Czechoslovak border every day.
This is what the Germans had to reward Poland for. Allies in the partition of Czechoslovakia, after all. A few months later, the turn came: “that same Poland, which just six months ago, with the greed of a hyena, took part in the robbery and destruction of the Czechoslovak state.”
After this, the Poles, with inimitable sincerity, are outraged that the USSR dared in 1939 to encroach on the territory that Poland captured in 1919–1920. At the same time, the “greedy hyena”, she is also one of the “predators who tormented the corpse of Czechoslovakia” (all complaints about the rough accuracy of this definition should be addressed to the terribly intolerant and politically incorrect Winston Churchill) came up with the idea of being indignant at the role of its benefactor the USSR in World War II.
You can send them the memoirs of the British Prime Minister in response, let the Polish diplomats read it and prepare an indignant statement for the British.
Maxim Kustov
E.Yu. Chernyshev
Winston Churchill and the Polish question during World War II
The Polish question, seemingly finally resolved as a result of the First World War, left behind a long trail of problems that for a long time negatively affected the state of European security. Among those politicians who were inclined to at least partly blame the Poles themselves for this situation was the recognized leader of the British nation, Winston Churchill. “The heroic character of the Polish people should not cause us to close our eyes to their folly and ingratitude, which over the course of several centuries caused them immeasurable suffering,” he wrote in his memoirs of the Second World War. - It must be considered a mystery and tragedy of European history that a people capable of any heroism, some of whose representatives are talented, valiant, and charming, constantly displays such huge shortcomings in almost all aspects of their public life. Glory in times of rebellion and sorrow; infamy and shame during periods of triumph. The bravest of the brave have too often been led by the foulest of the foul! And yet, there have always been two Polands: one of them fought for truth, and the other grovelled in meanness.”1
After the destruction of Czechoslovakia, Great Britain assured Poland that in case of military danger it would come to its rescue. Churchill understood perfectly well that the Poles sought to balance Nazi Germany with Bolshevik Russia; they were tormented by fear of their powerful neighbors. But still Churchill insisted on “allied relations between Poland and Russia.” The Times interpreted the British guarantee as a commitment to defend the "independence" of Poland, but not "every inch of its present borders." The then British Prime Minister Chamberlain secretly adhered to precisely this position. Churchill publicly called this approach vile.
Meanwhile, already during the war, Churchill was not going to give Poland carte blanche, trying to keep the Polish government under control, and therefore often gave rise to accusations of
1 Churchill W. The Second World War. Vol. 1: The Coming Storm. M., 1997. pp. 151-152.
2 RoseN. Churchill. Fast paced life. M., 2004. pp. 314-315.
ambiguity of their position. The Polish-British Treaty of 1939 was directed exclusively against Germany, did not guarantee the preservation of borders, and it merely declared “Polish sovereignty,” which seems to be a very ambiguous and non-binding definition. Great Britain argued that Poland could solve the border problem with the USSR through bilateral negotiations. Churchill repeatedly drew the attention of the Prime Minister of the Polish emigration government, W. Sikorski, to the fact that everything would depend on the balance of forces at the end of the war. And since 1942, the British have already made it clear to the USSR that the border with Poland, established by the Soviet-German agreement of September 28, 1939, is quite acceptable to them.
Against the backdrop of deteriorating relations with the emigration Polish government of the USSR, measures began to be taken to create a body loyal to the Kremlin, which would act on behalf of the Poles living in the USSR. In the second half of February 1943, Stalin, in a conversation with V. Wasilewska, G. Mints and V. Grosh, gave the go-ahead for the creation of the Union of Polish Patriots and preparations for the formation of Polish military formations. On May 8, 1943, the State Defense Committee of the USSR decided to form a Polish infantry division on the territory of the USSR under the command of Z. Berling4. And the withdrawal of the Anders Army, previously formed with the support of the Soviet government, to Iran only benefited the Stalinist regime.
The situation was further aggravated by the German message of April 13, 1943 about the discovery in the Katyn Forest near Smolensk of mass graves of Polish officers executed in the spring of 1940. The Sikorski government, fearing the growth of discontent in the army, turned to the International Red Cross with a request to investigate the deaths of Polish officers in Katyn and even thought about recalling his ambassador from Moscow5. Churchill and Eden strongly objected to Sikorsky's appeal to the International Red Cross, since this step, they argued, would damage the unity of the anti-Hitler coalition. At the same time, Stalin informed Churchill that “the government of
3 See: Czechoslovak-Polish negotiations of the establishment of Confederation and Alliance 1939-1944. Czechoslovak diplomatic documents. Prague, 1995. S. 10.
4 See: Lebedeva N.S. Anders' Army in documents from Soviet archives [Electronic resource]. www.memo.ru/history/polacy/leb.htm. (Last access time - 03/21/2006.)
5 See ibid.
Korsky not only did not rebuff the vile fascist slander against the USSR, but did not even consider it necessary to turn to the Soviet Government with any questions or for clarification on this matter.” Further, Stalin, accusing Sikorsky of conspiring with the Germans, announced the decision of the Soviet government to break off relations with the emigrant government of Poland6.
On April 24, Churchill wrote to Stalin: “We will, of course, vigorously oppose any “investigation” by the International Red Cross or any other body into any territory under German rule. Such an investigation would be a deception, and its conclusions would be obtained through intimidation... We would also never approve of any negotiations with the Germans or any kind of contact with them, and we will insist on this to our Polish allies... Sikorsky's position is very difficult. Far from being pro-German or colluding with the Germans, he is in danger of being overthrown by the Poles, who believe that he did not sufficiently protect his people from the Soviets. If he leaves, we'll get someone worse. Therefore, I hope that your decision to “break off” the relationship should be understood in the sense of a final warning rather than in the sense of a break, and also that it will not be made public, at least until all other plans have been tried. A public announcement of the rupture would cause the greatest possible harm in the United States, where the Poles are numerous and influential.”7
In a message on April 25, Churchill again asked Stalin to “abandon the idea of any break in relations,” reporting on the results of the conversation between Foreign Minister Eden and General Sikorsky, which were supposed to moderate Moscow’s discontent.
Under pressure from Churchill, General Sikorsky did not insist on the intervention of the International Red Cross and in fact withdrew his request. In his subsequent messages to Stalin, Churchill called Sikorsky’s decision “erroneous” and urged Stalin to restore relations with Poland established on July 30, 1941. He promised to “restore order” to the Polish press in England and prevent controversy over the Katyn-
6 See: Correspondence of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR with US Presidents and British Prime Ministers during the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945: In 2 volumes, 2nd ed. M., 1980. T. 1. P. 119-120.
7 Ibid. P. 143.
8 See ibid. P. 145.
this issue in the name of the unity of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition9. But in a reply note, Stalin, accusing the British government of lack of opposition to the upcoming anti-Soviet campaign, said that he did not believe in the possibility of “introducing discipline in the Polish press,” and confirmed his decision to sever relations with the Sikorsky government. Molotov officially announced this to the Polish ambassador in Moscow M. Rommer on April 26, 1943, and on May 5 the ambassador left the Soviet Union10. A few days later, the Soviet government allowed the formation of a new Polish division in the USSR under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Z. Berling.
After Stalingrad, Stalin's desire to prevent the emergence of any potentially strong state or group of states on the Soviet western borders gained real perspective. This was especially true of Poland, which was for Stalin “the key to Soviet security.” Characterizing the evolution of his course, Henry Kissinger noted: “In 1941, he asked only for recognition of the 1941 borders (allowing for the possibility of their adjustment) and expressed his readiness to recognize the free Poles based in London. In 1942, he began to make claims about the composition of the Polish government in exile. In 1943, he created an alternative to it in the form of the so-called Free Lublin Committee. By the end of 1944 he recognized the Communist-led Lublin Group and rejected the London Poles. In 1941, Stalin's main concern was borders; by 1945 it had become political control over territories beyond these borders." And the severance of relations with the Sikorsky government logically followed from this line of Stalin.
Throughout this period, Churchill sought to persuade the Poles to “shift the dispute from the dead to the living and from the past to the future.”12 In a conversation with General Sikorski in early April, in response to words that there was a mass of evidence that Polish officers were killed by the Soviet authorities, the British prime minister said: “If they are dead, there is nothing you can do to resurrect them.” His position was determined as follows:
9 See: Semiryaga M.I. Secrets of Stalin's diplomacy. M., 1992. P. 142.
10 See: Correspondence of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR with US Presidents and British Prime Ministers during the Great Patriotic War of 1941 - 1945. M., 1958. T. 1. P. 126-127.
11 Kissinger G. Diplomacy. M., 1997. P. 371.
12 Secret correspondence between Roosevelt and Churchill during the war. M., 1995. P. 379.
13 Churchill W. The Second World War: In 3 books. Book 2. M., 1991. P. 634.
his final statement to the Soviet Ambassador Maisky, who proved the imaginary groundlessness of the accusations: “We must defeat Hitler, and now is not the time for quarrels and accusations”14.
On March 21, 1943, Churchill spoke on the radio. Speaking about the fate of Central Europe, he spoke in favor of the creation of the Balkan and Danube federations, without even mentioning the Polish-Czechoslovak confederation, the creation of which he previously considered the most prepared. In a conversation with Benes on April 3, Churchill said that, in principle, he still sympathized with the idea of a Polish-Czechoslovak unification. However, now, first of all, it is necessary that Poland agree to territorial concessions to the Soviet side in exchange for East Prussia and part of Upper Silesia. Churchill expected that the USSR would come out of the war strong and making territorial claims against it now is simply pointless, so the primary task is to maintain friendly relations between the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, and everything else should follow this goal and not be against -~16
talk to her.
The main political issue in Eastern Europe remained the Polish question. Privately, Roosevelt and Churchill generally agreed with Stalin regarding his preferred border with Poland. But there was also the question of a legitimate Polish government. The Polish government in exile sought mediation from London and Washington to negotiate with Moscow on this issue. Molotov stated that negotiations were possible only with an “improved Polish government.”
Even Churchill, who feared Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe much more than Roosevelt, had no intention of spoiling relations with Stalin over Poland's eastern border. He supported Stalin in his conversations with representatives of the Polish government in London. The only thing that Churchill rightly feared was that Moscow itself would radically “improve” the Polish government. It was because of this that he put pressure on the replacement of Sikor, who died in a plane crash in 1943.
14 Churchill W. Decree. Op. pp. 635-636.
15 See: Historia dyplomacji polskiej. Warszawa, 1999. T. 5. S. 394.
16 See: Extract from the minutes of E. Benes’s conversation with W. Churchill // Czechoslovak-Polish negotiations of the establishment of Confederation and Alliance 1939-1944. Czechoslovak diplomatic documents. Prague, 1995. S. 317.
17 NOFMO - Systematic history of international relations 1918-1945 [Electronic resource]. www.obraforum.ru (Last access time - March 21, 2006.)
of the new Polish Prime Minister S. Mikolajczyk, inclining him to be more accommodating. However, the Polish government was not going to give up just when Soviet troops entered Poland. Stalin was only pleased with such intransigence.
In May - June 1944, secret Soviet-Polish negotiations took place in London. The Soviet side insisted on recognition of the “Curzon Line” and on updating the Polish government by including “democratic”, i.e., pro-Soviet forces. The Polish government was also demanded to abandon accusations against the USSR regarding Katyn. Churchill largely supported these demands. “For Poland's sake we have declared war... but we have never undertaken to defend the existing Polish borders,” he wrote to Eden in January 1944. After two wars and the loss of “20 to 30 million Russian lives,” he continued, The Soviet Union earned "the right to the inviolable security of its western borders." If the Poles cannot understand this, Britain washes its hands of “fulfilling all its obligations in full. we may be drawn into events from which it will be difficult to escape.” The hint was very clear.
Meanwhile, on the liberated Polish territory in Lublin on July 21, 1944, a new government, created by Stalin’s decree, appeared - the Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKNO), called in the West the “Lublin Committee”. Stalin stated that the Soviet troops had no longer found any political force capable of engaging in civil administration, and on August 3-4 he received Mikolajczyk in Moscow, leaving him to negotiate with the PKNO himself. The representative of the latter, Boleslaw Bierut, demanded the creation of a new Polish government, in which 14 portfolios would be given to the PCNO and only 4 to the government in exile. These demands, of course, were unacceptable.
On the Polish question, Churchill made concessions to Stalin. Poland was too sensitive a problem to be included even in the “interest” bargaining. Stalin convinced Churchill of the need to reshuffle the emigration government for successful negotiations with the PCNO. He assured Churchill that the cessation of the attack on Warsaw during the uprising was due to purely military reasons. Churchill obtained Stalin's consent to the participation of the Mikolajczyk government in negotiations on Poland. Polish representatives hastily flew to Moscow.
Tripartite Soviet-British-Polish negotiations began on October 13, 1944. Stalin firmly insisted on recognition
18 Quoted. by: RoseN. Decree. Op. pp. 390-391.
“Curzon Line” as the border between the USSR and Poland. Churchill supported Stalin. On October 14, Churchill and Eden told Mikołajczyk and his colleagues that the Polish government would never again have such a unique opportunity to come to an agreement with Moscow, and threatened to change the attitude of the British cabinet towards the Mikołajczyk government if the Poles were intransigent. Churchill, in a fit of frankness, declared that the great powers were shedding blood for Poland for the second time in one generation, and therefore could not allow themselves to be drawn into internal Polish squabbles.
The patriotic motivation put forward by Mikolajczyk was rejected with contempt by Churchill. According to him, the time when Poles could afford the luxury of cherishing their patriotism is over. Churchill threatened: “If you do not accept this border, you will be excommunicated forever.” “Our relations with Russia,” he explained, “are better now than ever before. And I intend to keep them that way.” “Do I really have to sign my own death warrant?” - asked Mikolajczyk. The argument became heated. Churchill exploded: “This is madness! You cannot defeat the Russians!.. You want to start a war in which 25 million people will die! The Russians will crush your country and destroy your people... If you want to fight with Russia, we will leave you to your own devices. You should be put in a madhouse!.. You hate Russians. I’m not sure the British government will continue to recognize you.”19
The parties in Moscow did not reach any agreement on Poland. Mikolajczyk believed that his public recognition of the “Curzon Line” was tantamount to political suicide. Returning to London, he tried to obtain guarantees of Polish sovereignty from Great Britain and the United States, as well as to achieve agreement in the ranks of the emigration. London responded that such guarantees would be given by Great Britain together with the USSR and, possibly, the USA. Roosevelt refused to give guarantees, citing the fact that the international organization being created would monitor the general inviolability of borders. Harriman was ready to try again to convince Stalin to give Lvov to Poland, but Roosevelt stated that the United States would recognize the borders agreed upon between the USSR, Poland and Great Britain.
On December 31, 1944, the PKNO declared itself the Polish government. This happened against the backdrop of the formation in London of a new, strictly anti-Soviet Artsishevsky cabinet. Churchill pushed the Polish government in exile to compromise.
19 Dialogue quoted from: RoseN. Decree. Op. pp. 393-394.
sou, bordering on capitulation, precisely because he did not want to deal with the Soviet puppet government. Now he refused to acknowledge him in harsh terms. Stalin was not embarrassed by this, and on January 1, 1945, he informed Roosevelt, and on January 4, Churchill, that the USSR recognized the PKNO as the provisional government of Poland. The Western powers could not agree with this.
It was these contradictions in the views of the allies in the anti-Hitler coalition on the Polish question that became one of the reasons for the convening of the Yalta Conference. Discussion on the Polish topic dominated the meetings, since both sides believed that the resolution of this issue would determine the nature of future interstate relations and the post-war balance of power. Churchill, for example, meticulously calculated that during the negotiations the three leaders of the Allied countries used 18,000 words discussing the Polish issue. The militant Churchill tried to defend the Poles' right to sovereignty, but his voice in this situation no longer meant too much.
Taking away from Poland the eastern lands that had long belonged to it, Stalin wanted to push its borders as far west as possible. It was primarily about moving our own sphere of influence deeper into Europe as much as possible. He proposed a line for Poland's western border from Szczecin (which was becoming Polish) and further along the Oder and Western Neisse rivers. Since this proposal was not clearly accepted by Roosevelt and Churchill, all participants agreed that the final decision on the passage of Poland's western border should be postponed until the peace conference, which would have to take into account the opinion of the new Polish government.
Churchill called the discussion on the formation of a new Polish government “a matter of honor,” stating that he was compliant with Soviet proposals in the territorial part, but in return he would do everything to make the Poles feel like “masters in their own home.” Churchill's opinion that the provisional government did not represent "even one-third of the Polish people" was ignored by both of his negotiating partners, including Roosevelt.
20 See: P. Wieczorkiewicz. The Polish question at the Yalta conference [Electronic resource]. www.novoemnenie.ru (Last access time - 03/19/2006.)
21 See ibid.
After further discussions concerning, in particular, the principle of free elections (Stalin initially promised that they would take place in a month or two), a compromise in exactly the form that Stalin had hoped for became a fact.
The results of the Yalta Conference were reflected in a communiqué, which stated that, filled with the will to create a “strong, free, independent and democratic” Poland, the leaders of the Big Three actually agreed with the Soviet concept of “settlement” of the Polish question, adjusted in such a way that it was also accepted by American and British public opinion.
The deferred question of the Polish border was raised already at the first plenary session of the Berlin (Potsdam) Conference. The Soviet delegation defended the western Polish border along the Oder-Neisse. Churchill expressed doubt that Poland would be able to calmly endure the loss of such a large territory. The Polish question, which cost Churchill so much of his blood, was the last issue he discussed as British Prime Minister. On July 25, he and Eden left for London, where the next day he resigned after the election results were announced: the Conservative Party lost. The removal of Churchill from further negotiations strengthened Stalin’s position on the “Polish question” and contributed to the realization of his goals regarding Poland.
Chernyshev Evgeniy Yurievich - graduate student of the Department of Foreign History and International Relations of the Russian State University. Kant.
Disputes surrounding relations between Poland and Russia flared up with renewed vigor. I can’t help but participate, especially since over the last thirty years we have been constantly told about how small and defenseless Poland was attacked by two terrible monsters - the USSR and the Third Reich, who had agreed in advance to divide it.
You know, now it has become very fashionable to compile various tops and ratings: ten facts about pointe shoes, fifteen facts about orgasm, thirty facts about Dzhigurda, the best frying pan covers in the world, the longest standing snowmen, and so on. I also want to offer you my “Ten Facts about Poland”, which, in my opinion, simply need to be kept in mind when the conversation turns to our relations with this wonderful country.
Fact one. After the end of the First World War, Poland, taking advantage of the weakness of the young Soviet state, occupied Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. The offensive of Polish troops in Ukraine in the spring of 1920 was accompanied by pogroms and mass executions of Jews. For example, in the city of Rovno, the Poles shot more than 3 thousand civilians, in the town of Tetiev about 4 thousand Jews were killed. For resistance to the confiscation of food, villages were burned and residents were shot. During the Russian-Polish War, 200 thousand Red Army soldiers were captured by the Poles. Of these, 80 thousand were destroyed by the Poles. True, modern Polish historians question all this data.
The Soviet army managed to liberate the occupied territories only in 1939.
Fact two. In the period between the First and Second World Wars, small, defenseless and, as you yourself understand, immaculate Poland passionately dreamed of colonies that could be plundered for its own pleasure. As was customary then in the rest of Europe. And it is still accepted. Here, for example, is a poster: “Poland needs colonies”! Basically they wanted Portuguese Angola. Good climate, rich lands and mineral resources. What, you feel sorry, or what? Poland also agreed to Togo and Cameroon. I was looking at Mozambique.
In 1930, even the public organization “Maritime and Colonial League” was created. Here are photographs of the grand celebration of Colonial Day, which turned into a demonstration demanding Polish colonial expansion in Africa. The demonstrators’ poster reads: “We demand overseas colonies for Poland.” Churches dedicated masses to the demands of the colonies, and cinemas showed films with colonial themes. This is an excerpt from one such film about a Polish expedition in Africa. And this is a solemn parade of future Polish bandits and robbers.
By the way, a couple of years ago, Polish Foreign Minister Grzegorz Schetyna said in an interview with one of the largest Polish publications: “Talking about Ukraine without the participation of Poland is akin to discussing the affairs of colonial countries without the participation of their mother countries.” And although Ukraine was not particularly indignant, dreams still remain dreams...
Fact three. Poland became the first state to conclude a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany. It was signed on January 26, 1934 in Berlin for a period of 10 years. Exactly the same as what Germany and the USSR would conclude in 1939. Well, it’s true that in the case of the USSR there was also a secret application that no one had ever seen in the original. The same application with the forged signature of Molotov and the real Ribbentrop, who, after the surrender of Germany in 1945, was held captive by the Americans for some time. The same application that uses the phrase “both sides” three times! The same application in which Finland is called a Baltic state. Anyway.
Fact four. In October 1920, the Poles captured Vilnius and the surrounding area - only about a third of the territory of the Republic of Lithuania. Lithuania, of course, did not recognize this seizure and continued to consider these territories its own. And when on March 13, 1938, Hitler carried out the Anschluss of Austria, he desperately needed international recognition of these actions. And in response to the recognition of the Anschluss by Austria, Germany was ready to recognize Poland's seizure of all of Lithuania, except for the city of Memel and the area around it. This city was supposed to join the Reich.
And already on March 17, Warsaw presented an ultimatum to Lithuania, and Polish troops concentrated on the border with Lithuania. And only the intervention of the USSR, which threatened Poland with breaking the non-aggression pact of 1932, saved Lithuania from Polish occupation. Poland was forced to withdraw its demands.
By the way, I hope the Lithuanian people remember that it was the USSR that returned both Vilna and Memel and its regions to Lithuania. Moreover, Vilna was transferred back in 1939 under a mutual assistance agreement.
Fact five. In 1938, in alliance with Nazi Germany, small, defenseless, “long-suffering and peace-loving” Poland occupied Czechoslovakia. Yes, yes, it was she who started that terrible massacre in Europe, which ended with Soviet tanks on the streets of Berlin. Hitler took the Sudetenland, and Poland took the Cieszyn region and some settlements on the territory of modern Slovakia. Hitler then had at his complete disposal the best military industry in Europe at that time.
Germany also came into possession of significant reserves of weapons from the former Czechoslovak army, which made it possible to equip 9 infantry divisions. Before the attack on the USSR, 5 of the 21 Wehrmacht tank divisions were equipped with Czechoslovak-made tanks.
According to Winston Churchill, Poland “took part with the greed of a hyena in the robbery and destruction of the Czechoslovak state.”
Fact six. On the eve of World War II, Poland was far from the weakest state in Europe. It had a territory of almost 400,000 square meters. km, where about 44 million people lived. Military treaties were concluded with England and France.
And therefore, when in 1939 Germany demanded that Poland open a “Polish corridor” for it to access the Baltic Sea, and in return offered to extend the German-Polish friendship treaty for another 25 years, Poland proudly refused. As we remember, it took the Wehrmacht only two weeks to bring its former ally to his knees. England and France did not lift a finger to save their ally.
Fact seven. The introduction of Red Army units into the eastern regions of Poland on September 17, 1939 and into the Baltic countries in the summer of 1940 was carried out not according to some terrible “secret pact” that no one had ever seen, but in order to prevent Germany from occupying these territories. In addition, these actions strengthened the security of the USSR. The famous joint “parade” of Soviet and German troops is just a procedure for the transfer of Brest-Litovsk to units of the Red Army. We can see the arrival of the Soviet reception contingent and some working moments of the transfer of the citadel thanks to the surviving photographs. Here there is an organized departure of German equipment, there are photographs of the arrival of Soviet equipment, but there is not a single photograph that would capture their joint passage.
Fact eight. In the very first days of the war, the Polish government and the president fled abroad, abandoning their people, their still fighting army, their country. So Poland did not fall, Poland self-destructed. Those who escaped, of course, organized a “government in exile” and spent a long time drying their pants in Paris and London. Please note that when Soviet troops entered Poland, de jure such a state no longer existed. I would like to ask everyone asking about the Polish occupation by the Soviets: would you like the Nazis to come to these territories? To kill Jews there? So that the border with Germany moves closer to the Soviet Union? Can you imagine how many thousands of dead people would be behind such a decision?
Fact nine. Poland's dreams of colonies, of course, did not come true, but as a result of bilateral treaties with the Soviet Union, as a post-war reparation, Poland received the eastern regions of Germany, which had a Slavic past, which make up a third of the current territory of Poland. 100 thousand square kilometers!
According to German economists, during the post-war period the Polish budget received more than $130 billion from mineral deposits in these areas alone. This is approximately twice as much as all reparations and compensation paid by Germany to Poland. Poland received deposits of hard and brown coal, copper ores, zinc and tin, which placed it on a par with the world's major producers of these natural resources.
Warsaw's acquisition of the Baltic Sea coast was even more important. If in 1939 Poland had 71 km. sea coast, then after the war it became 526 km. The Poles and Poland owe all this wealth personally to Stalin and the Soviet Union.
Fact ten. Today in Poland, monuments to Soviet liberating soldiers are being massively demolished and the graves of Soviet soldiers who died in the battles for the liberation of Poland from the Nazis are being desecrated. And let me remind you, 660,000 of them died there. Even those monuments that have inscriptions of gratitude from Polish citizens to Soviet soldiers are being demolished. Even those that were cast in 1945 from the metal of German ammunition, specially brought from the fallen Berlin.
Why am I saying this? Maybe we, like the tiger Amur, will have enough of tolerating an annoying and arrogant neighbor who has completely lost touch with reality?
Egor Ivanov
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