Events in Hungary in 1956 led to a large-scale rebellion, which the Soviet army was brought in to suppress. The Hungarian Autumn became one of the largest regional conflicts of the Cold War, in which the intelligence services of both the USSR and the USA took part. Today we will try to understand the events of those days, and also try to understand the reasons.
➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤Role of Yugoslavia
The beginning of events should be dated back to 1948, when relations between Stalin and Tito (leader of Yugoslavia) finally deteriorated. The reason is that Tito demanded complete political independence. As a result, countries began to prepare for a possible war, and the Soviet command was developing a plan to enter the war from the territory of Hungary.
In May 1956, Yuri Andropov received information (he immediately forwarded it to Moscow) that Yugoslav agents and intelligence were actively working against the USSR in Hungary.
The Yugoslav Embassy played a significant role against the Soviet Union and the current Hungarian government.
Dmitry Kapranov, cryptographer of the Special Corps of the USSR Army in Hungary
If back in 1948 there was a confrontation between Tito and Stalin, then in 1953 Stalin passed away and Tito began to aim for the role of leader of the Soviet bloc. Behind him was a very strong army of Yugoslavia, military assistance agreements with NATO and economic assistance agreements with the United States. Realizing this, in the summer of 1956, Khrushchev traveled to Belgrade, where Marshal Tito set the following conditions for normalizing relations between the countries:
- Yugoslavia pursues an independent policy.
- Yugoslavia continues its partnership with the US and NATO.
- The USSR stops criticizing the Tito regime.
Formally, this is where the disagreement ended.
The role of the Hungarian communists
The peculiarity of the development of post-war Hungary is the complete copying of the USSR, starting in 1948. This copying was so stupid and widespread that it applied to literally everything: from the economic model to the uniform of soldiers in the army. Moreover, the Hungarian communists began to carry out absolutely extreme measures (this is generally a characteristic feature of communists at the beginning of their rule) - mass Russification: flag, coat of arms, language, and so on. This is what, for example, the coat of arms of the Hungarian People's Republic (Hungarian People's Republic) looked like in 1956.
Of course, the coat of arms, flag, language, and clothing in themselves did not cause discontent, but all together they significantly damaged the pride of the Hungarians. Moreover, the problem was worsened by economic reasons. Rakosi's party simply copied the USSR model of economic development, completely ignoring the peculiarities of Hungary. As a result, the post-war economic crisis is becoming stronger every year. Only constant financial assistance from the USSR saves us from economic chaos and collapse.
In fact, in the period 1950-1956 in Hungary there was a struggle between the communists: Rakosi versus Nagy. Moreover, Imre Nagy was much more popular.
Nuclear race and its role
In June 1950, the United States knew for certain that the USSR had an atomic bomb, but very little uranium. Based on this information, US President Truman issues directive NSC-68, demanding to cause and support unrest in the satellite countries of the USSR. Countries identified:
- German Democratic Republic.
- Hungarian People's Republic.
- Czechoslovakia.
What do these countries have in common? There are two such features: firstly, they were geographically located on the border of the western zone of influence; secondly, all three countries had fairly large uranium mines. Therefore, destabilization and separation of these countries from Soviet patronage is the US plan to curb the nuclear development of the USSR.
US role
The active stage of work on creating a rebellion began after March 5, 1953 (the date of Stalin’s death). Already in June, the CIA approved the “Day X” plan, according to which uprisings began in a number of large cities of the GDR and in the city of Ger (uranium mines). The plan failed, and the uprising was quickly suppressed, but this was only a preparation for more “grand” events.
The National Security Council (NSC) of the United States adopts Directive No. 158 on June 29, 1953. This document was declassified quite recently and its main meaning is the following - to support resistance to communism by all means so that no one doubts the spontaneity of these actions. The second important order under this directive is to organize, supply with everything necessary and train underground organizations capable of conducting long-term military operations. These are 2 directions that were reflected in the events in Hungary in 1956, and which are still in effect today. Suffice it to recall the recent events in Kyiv.
An important detail: in the summer of 1956, Eisenhower made a statement that the post-war division of the world was no longer relevant, and it needed to be divided in a new way.
Operations Focus and Prospero
"Focus" and "Prospero" are secret operations of the American intelligence agencies during the Cold War. In many ways, it was these operations that gave birth to Hungary 1956. These operations were aimed at Poland and Hungary with the goal of turning the local population against the USSR and providing the local population with everything they needed to fight for “independence.”
In May 1956, a new radio station (Radio Free Europe) began operating near Munich, aimed exclusively at Hungary. The radio station was financed by the CIA and continuously broadcast to Hungary, conveying the following things:
- America is the most powerful country in the world in all components.
- Communism is the worst form of government, which is the source of all troubles. Therefore, it is the source of the USSR’s problems.
- America always supports peoples fighting for independence.
This was the preparation of the population. With the beginning of the revolution in Hungary (October - November 1956), the radio station began broadcasting the program “Special Armed Forces,” which told the Hungarians exactly how to fight against the Soviet army.
Along with the beginning of radio broadcasting, propaganda leaflets and radios were transported from the territory of Germany and Austria in balloons to Hungary. The flow of balloons was great, which confirms the following fact. On February 8 and July 28, Endre Sak sent notes of protest to the US Embassy. The last note states that since February 1956, 293 balloons have been seized, and because of their flights, 1 plane crashed and its crew died. In this regard, the Hungarians even warned international companies about the dangers of flying over the country. The response from the US Embassy is indicative - “private companies” are to blame for everything, and the US authorities have nothing to do with it. The logic is wild and today, by the way, it is also often used (private organizations do dirty work, including military work), but why is no one investigating the financing of these organizations? Mystery. After all, not a single private company will buy balloons with its own money, print leaflets, purchase radios, open a radio station and send all this to Hungary. For a private company, profit is important, that is, someone must finance all this. This funding leads to Operation Prospero.
The goal of Operation Focus was to overthrow socialism in Eastern Europe. The final stage of the operation begins on October 1, 1956, at the Radio Free Europe base. Propaganda in broadcasts is intensifying and the main motive of all speeches is that it is time to start a movement against the USSR. Several times a day the phrase is heard: “The regime is not as dangerous as you think. The people have hope!
Internal political struggle in the USSR
After Stalin's death, a struggle for power began, which Khrushchev won. This man’s further steps, not directly, but provoked anti-Soviet sentiments. This was due to the following:
- Criticism of Stalin's personality cult. This immediately weakened the international position of the USSR, which was recognized, including in the United States, which, on the one hand, announced a respite in the Cold War, and on the other hand, further intensified secret operations.
- Execution of Beria. This is not the most obvious reason for the Hungarian events of 1956, but it is a very important one. Along with the execution of Beria, thousands of state security agents were fired (arrested, shot). These were people who had been stabilizing the situation for years and had their own agents. After they were removed, the state security positions became noticeably weaker, including in terms of counter-revolutionary and counter-terrorism activities. Returning to the personality of Beria - it was he who was the patron of “Volodya” Imre Nagy. After the execution of Beria, Nagy was expelled from the party and removed from all posts. This is important to remember to understand future events. In fact, because of this, starting in 1955, Nagy ceased to be controlled by the USSR and began to look towards the West.
Chronology of events
Above we examined in some detail what preceded the events in Hungary in 1956. Now let's focus on the events of October-November 1956, since this is the most important thing, and it was during this time that the armed uprising happened.
In October, numerous rallies began, the main driving force of which were students. This is generally a characteristic feature of many riots and revolutions of recent decades, when everything begins with peaceful demonstrations of students and ends with bloodshed. There are 3 main demands at the rallies:
- Appoint Imre Nagy as head of government.
- Introduce political freedoms in the country.
- Withdraw Soviet troops from Hungary.
- Stop the supply of uranium to the USSR.
Even before the start of active rallies, numerous journalists from different countries come to Hungary. This is a big problem, since it is often impossible to draw the line between who is a real journalist and who is a professional revolutionary. There are many indirect facts indicating that at the end of the summer of 1956, a large number of revolutionaries entered Hungary along with journalists and took an active part in subsequent events. Hungarian state security allowed everyone into the country.
On October 23, 1956, at 15:00, a demonstration began in Budapest, the main driving force of which were students. Almost immediately the idea appears to go to the radio station so that the demands of the protesters are announced on the radio. As soon as the crowd approached the radio station building, the situation moved from the stage of a rally to the stage of revolution - armed people appeared in the crowd. A key role in this was played by Sandor Kopacz, the chief of police of Budapest, who goes over to the side of the rebels and opens military warehouses for them. Then the Hungarians begin to attack in an organized manner and seize radio stations, printing houses, and telephone exchanges. That is, they began to take control of all means of communication and media.
Late in the evening of October 23, an emergency meeting of the Party Central Committee takes place in Moscow. Zhukov reports that a 100,000th demonstration is taking place in Budapest, the radio station building is on fire, and shots are heard. Khrushchev proposes sending troops to Hungary. The plan was as follows:
- Imre Nagy will be returned to the government. This was important because the protesters demanded it, and this way it was possible to calm them down (as Khrushchev mistakenly thought).
- 1 tank division needs to be brought into Hungary. This division will not even need to enter the events, since the Hungarians will get scared and run away.
- Control was entrusted to Mikoyan.
Colonel Grigory Dobrunov's reconnaissance unit is given the order to send tanks to Budapest. It was already said above that Moscow expected rapid advance of the army and the absence of resistance. Therefore, the order to the tank company was given “Don’t shoot.” But events in Hungary in October 1956 developed rapidly. Already at the entrance to the city, the Soviet army encountered active resistance. The rebellion, which they say arose spontaneously and from students, lasted less than a day, but fortified areas were already organized, and well-organized groups of armed people were created. This is a clear sign indicating that events in Hungary were being prepared. Actually, this is why the article contains analytical reports and CIA programs.
This is what Colonel Dobrunov himself says about the entrance to the city.
When we entered the city, our first tank was soon shot down. The wounded driver jumped out of the tank, but they caught him and wanted to burn him alive. Then he took out the F-1, pulled the pin and blew himself and them up.
Colonel Dobrunov
It became clear that the “don’t shoot” order was impossible to carry out. Tank troops are moving forward with difficulty. By the way, the use of tanks in the city is a huge mistake of the Soviet military command. This mistake occurred in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and much later in Grozny. Tanks in the city are an ideal target. As a result, the Soviet army loses approximately 50 people killed every day.
Aggravation of the situation
October 24 Imre Nagy speaks on the radio and calls on fascist provocateurs to lay down their arms. This is in particular reported in declassified documents.
On October 24, 1956, Nagy was already head of the Hungarian government. And this man calls armed people in Budapest and other regions of the country fascist provocateurs. In the same speech, Nagy stated that Soviet troops were sent into Hungary at the request of the government. That is, by the end of the day the position of the Hungarian leadership was clear: the army was brought in at the request - civilians with weapons are fascists.
At the same time, another strong figure appeared in Hungary - Colonel Pal Maleter. During World War 2, he fought against the USSR, was captured and collaborated with Soviet intelligence, for which he was later awarded the Order of the Red Star. On October 25, this man with 5 tanks arrived at the “Kilian Barracks” to suppress the uprising near the Corwin cinema (one of the main strongholds of the rebels), but instead joined the rebels. At the same time, agents of Western intelligence agencies are intensifying their work in Hungary. Here is one example, according to declassified documents.
On October 26, Colonel Dobrunov’s group approaches the Hungarian Korvin cinema, where they capture the “tongue”. According to testimony, it is in the cinema that the headquarters of the rebels is located. Dobrunov requests permission from the command to storm the building in order to destroy the main center of resistance and suppress the rebellion. The command is silent. The real chance to end the Hungarian events of the autumn of 1956 was missed.
By the end of October it becomes clear that the current troops are unable to cope with the rebellion. Moreover, Imre Nagy's position is becoming more and more revolutionary. He no longer speaks of the rebels as fascists. He prohibits Hungarian security forces from shooting at the rebels. It facilitates the transfer of weapons to civilians. Against this background, the Soviet leadership decides to withdraw troops from Budapest. On October 30, the Hungarian special corps of the Soviet army returned to its positions. During this time, only 350 people were killed.
On the same day, Nagy speaks to the Hungarians, declaring that the withdrawal of USSR troops from Budapest is his merit and the victory of the Hungarian revolution. The tone has already completely changed - Imre Nagy is on the side of the rebels. Pal Maleter is appointed Minister of Defense of Hungary, but there is no order in the country. It would seem that the revolution, albeit temporarily, was victorious, Soviet troops were withdrawn, Nagy is leading the country. All the demands of the “people” have been met. But even after the withdrawal of troops from Budapest, the revolution continues, and people continue to kill each other. Moreover, Hungary is splitting apart. Almost all army units refuse to carry out the orders of Nagy and Maleter. A confrontation arises between the leaders of the revolution in the struggle for power. Worker movements are being formed throughout the country against fascism in the country. Hungary is falling into chaos.
An important nuance - on October 29, Nagy dissolves the Hungarian State Security Service by his order.
Religious question
The issue of religion in the events of the Hungarian autumn of 1956 is little discussed, but it is very indicative. In particular, the position of the Vatican, voiced by Pope Pius 12, is indicative. He stated that the events in Hungary were a religious issue and called on the revolutionaries to fight for religion to the last drop of blood.
The United States takes a similar position. Eisenhower expresses full support for the rebels as they fight for “freedom” and calls for the appointment of Cardinal Mincenty as Prime Minister of the country.
Events of November 1956
On November 1, 1956, there was actually a civil war in Hungary. Bela Kiraly and his troops destroy all those who disagree with the regime, people kill each other. Imre Nagy understands that maintaining power in such conditions is unrealistic and the bloodshed must be stopped. Then he makes a statement, guaranteeing:
- Withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungarian territory.
- Reorientation of the economy towards Western countries.
- Withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact agreements.
Nagy's statement changed everything. The first point did not cause Khrushchev any concern, but Hungary’s exit from the Department of Internal Affairs changed everything. During the Cold War, the loss of a zone of influence, also through rebellion, undermined the prestige of the USSR and the international position of the country. It became clear that the introduction of Soviet troops into Hungary was now a matter of a few days.
Operation Whirlwind
Operation Whirlwind to introduce the Soviet army into Hungary begins on November 4, 1956 at 6:00 am on the signal “Thunder”. The troops are commanded by the hero of the Second World War, Marshal Konev. The USSR army is advancing from three directions: from Romania in the south, from the USSR in the east and Czechoslovakia in the north. At dawn on November 4, units began to enter Budapest. Then something happened that actually revealed the cards of the rebellion and the interests of its leaders. Here, for example, is how the Hungarian leaders behaved after the entry of Soviet troops:
- Imre Nagy - took refuge in the Yugoslav embassy. Let us remember the role of Yugoslavia. It should also be added that Khrushchev consulted with Tito about the November 4 attack on Budapest.
- Cardinal Mincenty - took refuge in the US Embassy.
- Belai Kiraly gives the order to the rebels to hold out until the bitter end, and he himself goes to Austria.
On November 5, the USSR and the USA find common ground on the issue of the conflict on the Suez Canal, and Eisenhower assures Khrushchev that he does not consider the Hungarians as an ally and NATO troops will not be brought into the region. In fact, this was the end of the Hungarian rebellion in the fall of 1956 and Soviet troops cleared the country of armed fascists.
Why was the second troop entry more successful than the first?
The basis of the Hungarian resistance was the belief that NATO troops were about to come in and protect them. On November 4, when it became known that England and France were sending troops to Egypt, Hungary realized that they could not expect any help. Therefore, as soon as the Soviet troops entered, the leaders began to scatter. The rebels began to run out of ammunition, which the army depots no longer supplied them with, and the counter-revolution in Hungary began to fade away.
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On November 22, 1956, Soviet troops carried out special operations and captured Nagy at the Yugoslav embassy. Imre Nagy and Pal Maleter were later convicted and sentenced to death by hanging. The leader of Hungary was Janas Kadar, one of Tito's closest associates. Kadar led Hungary for 30 years, making it one of the most developed countries of the socialist camp. In 1968, Hungarians took part in suppressing the rebellion in Czechoslovakia.
On November 6, the fighting in Budapest ended. There were only a few pockets of resistance left in the city, which were destroyed on November 8. By November 11, the capital and most of the country were liberated. Events in Hungary developed until January 1957, when the last rebel groups were destroyed.
Losses of the parties
Official data on losses among soldiers of the Soviet army and the civilian population of Hungary for 1956 are presented in the table below.
It is very important to make reservations here. When we talk about losses in the USSR army, these are people who suffered specifically from the Hungarian population. When we talk about the losses of the civilian population of Hungary, only a minority of them suffered from USSR soldiers. Why? The fact is that in fact there was a civil war in the country, where fascists and communists destroyed each other. Proving this is quite simple. During the period between the withdrawal and re-entry of Soviet troops (this is 5 days, and the rebellion itself lasted 15 days), casualties continued. Another example is the seizure of a radio tower by rebels. Then it’s not that there were no Soviet troops in Budapest, even the Hungarian corps were not alerted. Nevertheless, there are human casualties. Therefore, there is no need to blame Soviet soldiers for all sins. This, by the way, is a big greeting to Mr. Mironov, who in 2006 apologized to the Hungarians for the events of 1956. The person apparently has no idea what really happened in those days.
Once again I want to remind you of the numbers:
- At the time of the rebellion, 500 thousand Hungarians had almost 4 years of experience in the war against the USSR on the side of Germany.
- 5 thousand Hungarians returned from a USSR prison. These are the people who were convicted of real atrocities against Soviet citizens.
- 13 thousand people were freed by the rebels from Hungarian prisons.
The victims of the Hungarian events of 1956 also include those who were killed and wounded by the rebels themselves! And the last argument is that police and Hungarian communists took part in the storming of Bucharest on November 4, 1956, along with the Soviet army.
Who were the Hungarian “students”?
More and more often we hear that the events in Hungary in 1956 were an expression of the will of the people against communism, and that the main driving force were students. The problem is that in our country history is generally quite poorly known, and the Hungarian events remain a complete mystery for the vast majority of citizens. Therefore, let's understand the details and the position of Hungary in relation to the USSR. To do this we will need to go back to 1941.
On June 27, 1941, Hungary declares war on the USSR and enters World War II as an ally of Germany. The Hungarian army was little remembered on the battlefields, but it forever went down in history in connection with its atrocities against the Soviet people. Basically, the Hungarians “worked” in three regions: Chernigov, Voronezh and Bryansk. There are hundreds of historical documents testifying to the cruelty of the Hungarians against the local, Russian population. Therefore, we must clearly understand - Hungary from 1941 to 1945 was a fascist country even more than Germany! During the war, 1.5 million Hungarians took part in it. Approximately 700 thousand returned home after the end of the war. This was the foundation of the rebellion - well-trained fascists who were waiting for any opportunity to oppose their enemy - the USSR.
In the summer of 1956, Khrushchev made a huge mistake - he freed Hungarian prisoners from Soviet prisons. The problem was that he released people who had been convicted of real crimes against Soviet citizens. Thus, about 5 thousand people returned to Hungary, convinced Nazis who went through the war, are ideologically opposed to communism and know how to fight well.
Much can be said about the atrocities of the Hungarian Nazis. They killed a lot of people, but their favorite “fun” was hanging people by their legs from lampposts and trees. I don’t want to go into these details, I’ll just give you a couple of historical photographs.
Main characters
Imre Nagy has been the head of the Hungarian government since October 23, 1956. Soviet agent under the pseudonym "Volodya". On June 15, 1958 he was sentenced to death.
Mathias Rakosi is the head of the Hungarian Communist Party.
Endre Sik is the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Hungary.
Bela Kiraly is a Hungarian major general who fought against the USSR. One of the leaders of the rebels in 1956. Sentenced to death in absentia. Since 1991 he has lived in Budapest.
Pal Maleter - Minister of Defense of Hungary, Colonel. He went over to the side of the rebels. On June 15, 1958 he was sentenced to death.
Vladimir Kryuchkov - press attache of the Soviet embassy in Hungary in 1956. Formerly Chairman of the KGB.
Yuri Andropov is the USSR Ambassador to Hungary.
On October 23, 1956, an armed uprising began in the Hungarian People's Republic, known as the Hungarian Uprising of 1956, or the Hungarian Revolution of 1956.
The impetus for these events was personnel changes in the government of the republic. Or rather, the change of heads of state.
Until July 1953, the Hungarian Workers' Party and at the same time the government was headed by Matthias Rakosi, nicknamed "Stalin's best student."
After the death of the Soviet leader, Moscow decided that Rakosi was too fanatical, which did not contribute to the popularization of the Soviet model of building the future. In his place, the Hungarian communist Imre Nagy was appointed, who carried out a number of popular measures to improve the socio-economic situation in the country. In particular, to “improve the lives of the people,” taxes were reduced, salaries were increased, and land use principles were liberalized.
Nagy lasted in power for less than two years; according to the generally accepted version, an overly independent and democratic politician again did not suit Moscow.
Destroyed buildings due to unrest in central Budapest during the Hungarian uprising against the Soviet-backed communist regime in 1956. © Laszlo Almasi/Reuters
András Hegedüs was replaced in his place, and Nagy was removed from his post and expelled from the party. Hegedüs led the country along the previous Stalinist course, which caused discontent among large sections of the population, who already considered Hungary’s socialist course a mistake. There were demands for alternative elections and the return to power of Imre Nagy.
The internal party struggle in the Hungarian Labor Party between Stalinists and supporters of reforms began from the very beginning of 1956 and by July 18, 1956 led to the resignation of the General Secretary of the Hungarian Labor Party, who remained “Stalin’s best student” Matthias Rakosi. He was replaced by Erno Gero (former Minister of State Security).
The mutilated corpse of a state security officer hanged upside down. Budapest, 1956.
The removal of Rakosi, as well as the Poznan uprising of 1956 in Poland, which caused great resonance, led to an increase in critical sentiment among students and the writing intelligentsia.
Student demonstration in Hungary.
The subversive work of Western intelligence services also played a role. MI6 documents, declassified 40 years later, admitted that since 1954, anti-Soviet dissidents had been transported across the border to Austria, into the British zone of occupation, where they were trained in military and subversive warfare. Also, since 1955, American intelligence has been preparing detachments of Hungarian emigrants for secret actions in their country.
Soviet soldiers! We are fighting for our homeland, for Hungarian freedom! Do not shoot!
On October 23, a demonstration began, in which about a thousand people took part, including students and members of the intelligentsia. The demonstrators carried red flags and banners with slogans about Soviet-Hungarian friendship, the inclusion of Imre Nagy in the government, etc.
Hungarian uprising of 1956.
Radical groups joined the demonstrators, shouting slogans of a different kind. They demanded the restoration of the old Hungarian national emblem, the old Hungarian national holiday instead of the Day of Liberation from Fascism, the abolition of military training and Russian language lessons.
At 20 o'clock on the radio, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the WPT, Ernő Görö, made a speech sharply condemning the demonstrators.
Central radio station in Budapest after shelling. © Laszlo Almasi/Reuters
In response to this, a large group of demonstrators stormed the broadcasting studio of the Radio House, demanding that the program demands of the demonstrators be broadcast. This attempt led to a clash with the Hungarian state security units AVH defending the Radio House, during which the first dead and wounded appeared after 21 hours. The rebels received weapons or took them from reinforcements sent to help guard the radio, as well as from civil defense warehouses and captured police stations. A group of rebels entered the Kilian Barracks, where three construction battalions were located, and seized their weapons. Many construction battalion members joined the rebels.
Thanks to the efforts of provocateurs, the protests grew into real riots. The crowd turned their weapons against their communist opponents and the neutral Soviet army stationed in the country. Numerous victims appeared.
The new Hungarian government turned for support to the UN and NATO states, which did not dare to provide direct military assistance, given the enormous military power of the Soviet Union, with which there were tacit agreements.
The development of events in Hungary coincided with the Suez crisis. On October 29, Israel and then NATO members Great Britain and France attacked Soviet-backed Egypt with the aim of seizing the Suez Canal, near which they landed their troops.
Hungarian freedom fighters in Budapest near a Soviet tank.
On October 31, Nikita Khrushchev said at a meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee: “If we leave Hungary, this will encourage the American, British and French imperialists. They will understand [this] as our weakness and will attack.” It was decided to create a “revolutionary workers’ and peasants’ government” led by Janos Kadar and carry out a military operation to overthrow the government of Imre Nagy. The plan for the operation, called “Whirlwind,” was developed under the leadership of the USSR Minister of Defense Georgy Zhukov. The USSR Ambassador to Hungary at that time was Yuri Andropov.
By November 8, after fierce fighting, the last centers of resistance of the rebels were destroyed. Members of Imre Nagy's government took refuge in the Yugoslav embassy. On November 10, workers' councils and student groups approached the Soviet command with a ceasefire proposal. Armed resistance ceased.
After November 10, until mid-December, the workers' councils continued their work, often entering into direct negotiations with the command of Soviet units. However, by December 19, 1956, the workers' councils were dispersed by state security agencies and their leaders were arrested.
Immediately after the suppression of the uprising, mass arrests began: in total, the Hungarian secret services and their Soviet colleagues arrested about 5,000 Hungarians (846 of them were sent to Soviet prisons), of which “a significant number were members of the VPT, military personnel and students.”
Reconstruction of the Hungarian uprising in modern times. © Laszlo Balogh/Reuters
Prime Minister Imre Nagy and members of his government were lured out of the Yugoslav Embassy, where they were hiding, on November 22, 1956, and taken into custody on Romanian territory. They were then returned to Hungary and put on trial. Imre Nagy and former Defense Minister Pal Maleter were sentenced to death on charges of treason. Imre Nagy was hanged on June 16, 1958. In total, according to some estimates, about 350 people were executed. About 26,000 people were prosecuted, of whom 13,000 were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment, but by 1963 all participants in the uprising were amnestied and released by the government of János Kádár.
According to statistics, in connection with the uprising and fighting on both sides, 2,652 Hungarian citizens were killed and 19,226 people were injured between October 23 and December 31, 1956.
The losses of the Soviet Army, according to official data, amounted to 669 people killed, 51 people missing, 1540 wounded.
Imre Nagy's grave. © Laszlo Balogh/Reuters
In the official historiography of socialist Hungary, the rebellion was called “counter-revolutionary”.
October 23 became a public holiday in Hungary, established in memory of two revolutions - 1956 and 1989.
Hungary took part on the side of the fascist bloc, its troops took part in the occupation of the territory of the USSR, three SS divisions were formed from Hungarians. In 1944-1945, Hungarian troops were defeated, its territory was occupied by Soviet troops. But it was on the territory of Hungary, in the area of Lake Balaton, in the spring of 1945 that Nazi troops launched the last counteroffensive in their history.
After the war, free elections were held in the country, provided for by the Yalta agreements, in which the Party of Small Farmers received a majority. However, the coalition government imposed by the Allied Control Commission, which was headed by the Soviet Marshal Voroshilov, gave half the seats in the cabinet to the winning majority, while key posts remained with the Hungarian Communist Party.
The communists, with the support of Soviet troops, arrested most of the leaders of the opposition parties, and in 1947 they held new elections. By 1949, power in the country was mainly represented by communists. The Matthias Rakosi regime was established in Hungary. Collectivization was carried out, a policy of forced industrialization was launched, for which there were no natural, financial and human resources; Mass repressions carried out by AVH began against the opposition, the church, officers and politicians of the former regime, as well as many other opponents of the new government.
Hungary (as a former ally of Nazi Germany) had to pay significant indemnities to the USSR, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, amounting to up to a quarter of GDP.
On the other hand, the death of Stalin and Khrushchev’s speech at the 20th Congress of the CPSU gave rise to attempts at liberation from communists in all Eastern European states, one of the most striking manifestations of which was the rehabilitation and return to power of the Polish reformer Wladyslaw Gomulka in October 1956.
An important role was also played by the fact that in May 1955, neighboring Austria became a single neutral independent state, from which, after the signing of a peace treaty, allied occupation forces were withdrawn (Soviet troops had been stationed in Hungary since 1944).
A certain role was played by the subversive activities of Western intelligence services, in particular the British MI6, which trained numerous cadres of “people's rebels” at its secret bases in Austria and then transferred them to Hungary.
The internal party struggle in the Hungarian Labor Party between Stalinists and supporters of reforms began from the very beginning of 1956 and by July 18, 1956 led to the resignation of the General Secretary of the Hungarian Labor Party, Matthias Rakosi, who was replaced by Erno Geryo (former Minister of State Security).
The removal of Rakosi, as well as the Poznań uprising of 1956 in Poland, which caused great resonance, led to an increase in critical sentiment among students and the writing intelligentsia. From the middle of the year, the Petőfi Circle began to actively operate, in which the most pressing problems facing Hungary were discussed.
On October 16, 1956, some university students in Szeged organized an organized exit from the pro-communist “Democratic Youth Union” (the Hungarian equivalent of the Komsomol) and revived the “Union of Students of Hungarian Universities and Academies,” which existed after the war and was dispersed by the government. Within a few days, branches of the Union appeared in Pec, Miskolc and other cities.
Finally, on October 22, students from the Budapest University of Technology (at that time the Budapest University of Construction Industry) joined this movement and formulated a list of 16 demands to the authorities (the immediate convening of an extraordinary party congress, the appointment of Imre Nagy as prime minister, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the country , destruction of the monument to Stalin, etc.) and planned for October 23 a protest march from the monument to Bem (Polish general, hero of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848) to the monument to Petőfi.
At 3 o'clock in the afternoon a demonstration began, in which about a thousand people took part - including students and members of the intelligentsia. The demonstrators carried red flags, banners with slogans about Soviet-Hungarian friendship, the inclusion of Imre Nagy in the government, etc. On the squares of Jasai Mari, on the Fifteenth of March, on the streets of Kossuth and Rakoczi, radical groups joined the demonstrators, shouting slogans of a different kind. They demanded the restoration of the old Hungarian national emblem, the old Hungarian national holiday instead of the Day of Liberation from Fascism, the abolition of military training and Russian language lessons. In addition, demands were put forward for free elections, the creation of a government led by Nagy and the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary.
At 20 o'clock on the radio, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the WPT, Erne Gere, made a speech sharply condemning the demonstrators.
In response to this, a large group of demonstrators stormed the broadcasting studio of the Radio House, demanding that the program demands of the demonstrators be broadcast. This attempt led to a clash with the Hungarian state security units AVH defending the Radio House, during which the first dead and wounded appeared after 21:00. The rebels received weapons or took them from reinforcements sent to help guard the radio, as well as from civil defense warehouses and captured police stations. A group of rebels entered the Kilian Barracks, where three construction battalions were located, and seized their weapons. Many construction battalion members joined the rebels.
Fierce fighting in and around the Radio House continued throughout the night. The head of the Budapest Police Headquarters, Lieutenant Colonel Sandor Kopachi, ordered not to shoot at the rebels and not to interfere with their actions. He unconditionally complied with the demands of the crowd gathered in front of the headquarters for the release of prisoners and the removal of red stars from the facade of the building.
At 11 p.m., based on the decision of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, the Chief of the General Staff of the USSR Armed Forces, Marshal V.D. Sokolovsky, ordered the commander of the Special Corps to begin moving to Budapest to assist the Hungarian troops “in restoring order and creating conditions for peaceful creative labor.” Formations and units of the Special Corps arrived in Budapest at 6 a.m. and began fighting with the rebels.
On the night of October 23, 1956, the leadership of the Hungarian Communist Party decided to appoint Imre Nagy as Prime Minister, who had already held this post in 1953-1955, distinguished by his reformist views, for which he was repressed, but shortly before the uprising he was rehabilitated. Imre Nagy was often accused of sending a formal request to Soviet troops to help suppress the uprising without his participation. His supporters claim that this decision was made behind his back by the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party Ernő Gerő and former Prime Minister András Hegedüs, and Nagy himself was opposed to the involvement of Soviet troops.
On the night of October 24, about 6,000 Soviet army troops, 290 tanks, 120 armored personnel carriers, and 156 guns were brought into Budapest. In the evening they were joined by units of the 3rd Rifle Corps of the Hungarian People's Army (VNA). Some of the Hungarian military personnel and police went over to the side of the rebels.
Members of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee A. I. Mikoyan and M. A. Suslov, KGB Chairman I. A. Serov, Deputy Chief of the General Staff Army General M. S. Malinin arrived in Budapest.
In the morning, the 33rd Guards Mechanized Division approached the city, in the evening - the 128th Guards Rifle Division, joining the Special Corps. During the rally near the parliament building, an incident occurred: fire was opened from the upper floors, as a result of which a Soviet officer was killed and a tank was burned. In response, Soviet troops opened fire on the demonstrators, resulting in 61 people killed and 284 wounded on both sides.
Ernő Gerő was replaced as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party by Janos Kadar and went to the headquarters of the Soviet Southern Group of Forces in Szolnok. Imre Nagy spoke on the radio, addressing the warring parties with a proposal to cease fire.
Imre Nagy spoke on the radio and stated that “the government condemns the views that view the current anti-popular movement as a counter-revolution.” The government announced a ceasefire and the start of negotiations with the USSR on the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary.
Imre Nagy abolished the AVH. The fighting in the streets stopped, and for the first time in the past five days, silence reigned on the streets of Budapest. Soviet troops began to leave Budapest. It seemed that the revolution had won.
József Dudas and his militants seized the editorial office of the newspaper Szabad nep, where Dudas began publishing his own newspaper. Dudas announced the non-recognition of the government of Imre Nagy and the formation of his own administration.
In the morning, all Soviet troops were withdrawn to their places of deployment. The streets of Hungarian cities were left virtually without power. Some prisons associated with the repressive AVH were captured by the rebels. The guards offered virtually no resistance and partially fled.
Political prisoners and criminals who were there were released from prisons. Locally, trade unions began to create workers' and local councils that were not subordinate to the authorities and not controlled by the Communist Party.
Béla Kiray's guards and Dudas' troops executed communists, AVH employees and Hungarian military personnel who refused to submit to them. In total, 37 people died as a result of lynchings.
The uprising, having achieved certain temporary successes, quickly radicalized - there were murders of communists, employees of the AVH and the Hungarian Ministry of Internal Affairs, and shelling of Soviet military camps.
By order of October 30, Soviet military personnel were prohibited from returning fire, “succumbing to provocations,” and leaving the unit’s location.
There were recorded cases of murders of Soviet military personnel on leave and sentries in various cities of Hungary.
The Budapest City Committee of the VPT was captured by the rebels, and over 20 communists were hanged by the crowd. Photos of hanged communists with signs of torture, with faces disfigured by acid, went around the whole world. This massacre was, however, condemned by representatives of the political forces of Hungary.
There was little Nagy could do. The uprising spread to other cities and spread... The country quickly fell into chaos. Railway communications were interrupted, airports stopped operating, shops, shops and banks were closed. The rebels scoured the streets, catching state security officers. They were recognized by their famous yellow boots, torn into pieces or hanged by their feet, and sometimes castrated. The captured party leaders were nailed to the floors with huge nails, with portraits of Lenin placed in their hands.
On October 30, the government of Imre Nagy decided to restore the multi-party system in Hungary and create a coalition government consisting of representatives of the VPT, the Independent Party of Smallholders, the National Peasant Party and the reconstituted Social Democratic Party. It was announced that free elections would be held.
The development of events in Hungary coincided with the Suez crisis. On October 29, Israel and then NATO members Great Britain and France attacked Soviet-backed Egypt with the aim of seizing the Suez Canal, near which they landed their troops.
On October 31, Khrushchev at a meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee said: “If we leave Hungary, this will encourage the American, British and French imperialists. They will understand our weakness and will attack.” It was decided to create a “revolutionary workers’ and peasants’ government” headed by J. Kadar and conduct a military operation to overthrow the government of Imre Nagy. The plan for the operation, called "Whirlwind", was developed under the leadership of the USSR Minister of Defense G.K. Zhukov.
On November 1, the Hungarian government, when Soviet troops were ordered not to leave the units’ locations, decided to terminate the Warsaw Pact by Hungary and presented a corresponding note to the USSR Embassy. At the same time, Hungary turned to the UN asking for help in protecting its neutrality. Measures were also taken to protect Budapest in the event of a “possible external attack.”
In Tekel near Budapest, right during the negotiations, the new Minister of Defense of Hungary, Lieutenant General Pal Maleter, was arrested by the USSR KGB.
Early in the morning of November 4, new Soviet military units began entering Hungary under the overall command of Marshal G.K. Zhukov and the Soviet Operation Whirlwind began. Officially, Soviet troops invaded Hungary at the invitation of the government hastily created by János Kádar. The main objects in Budapest were captured. Imre Nagy spoke on the radio: “This is the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Hungarian People's Republic, Imre Nagy. Early this morning, Soviet troops attacked our country with the aim of overthrowing the legitimate democratic government of Hungary. Our army is fighting. All members of the government remain in their places.”
Detachments of the “Hungarian National Guard” and individual army units tried to resist the Soviet troops to no avail.
Soviet troops carried out artillery strikes on pockets of resistance and carried out subsequent mopping-up operations with infantry forces supported by tanks. The main centers of resistance were the suburbs of Budapest, where local councils managed to lead more or less organized resistance. These areas of the city were subjected to the most massive shelling.
By November 8, after fierce fighting, the last centers of resistance of the rebels were destroyed. Members of Imre Nagy's government took refuge in the Yugoslav embassy. On November 10, workers' councils and student groups approached the Soviet command with a ceasefire proposal. Armed resistance ceased.
Marshal G.K. Zhukov “for the suppression of the Hungarian counter-revolutionary rebellion” received the 4th star of the Hero of the Soviet Union, Chairman of the KGB of the USSR Ivan Serov in December 1956 - the Order of Kutuzov, 1st degree.
After November 10, until mid-December, the workers' councils continued their work, often entering into direct negotiations with the command of Soviet units. However, by December 19, 1956, the workers' councils were dispersed by state security agencies and their leaders were arrested.
Hungarians emigrated en masse - almost 200,000 people (5% of the total population) left the country, for whom refugee camps had to be created in Austria in Traiskirchen and Graz.
Immediately after the suppression of the uprising, mass arrests began: in total, the Hungarian special services and their Soviet colleagues arrested about 5,000 Hungarians (846 of them were sent to Soviet prisons), of which “a significant number were members of the VPT, military personnel and students.”
Prime Minister Imre Nagy and members of his government were lured out of the Yugoslav Embassy, where they were hiding, on November 22, 1956, and taken into custody on Romanian territory. They were then returned to Hungary and put on trial. Imre Nagy and former Defense Minister Pal Maleter were sentenced to death on charges of treason. Imre Nagy was hanged on June 16, 1958. In total, according to some estimates, about 350 people were executed. About 26,000 people were prosecuted, of whom 13,000 were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment, but by 1963 all participants in the uprising were amnestied and released by the government of János Kádár.
According to statistics, in connection with the uprising and hostilities on both sides, during the period from October 23 to December 31, 1956, 2,652 Hungarian citizens were killed and 19,226 were injured.
The losses of the Soviet Army, according to official data, amounted to 669 people killed, 51 missing, 1540 wounded.
The Hungarian events had a significant impact on the internal life of the USSR. The party leadership was frightened by the fact that the liberalization of the regime in Hungary led to open anti-communist protests and, accordingly, the liberalization of the regime in the USSR could lead to the same consequences. On December 19, 1956, the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee approved the text of the Letter of the CPSU Central Committee “On strengthening the political work of party organizations among the masses and suppressing the attacks of anti-Soviet, hostile elements.”
60 years of fighting Budapest
Alexey ZHAROV
The Hungarian holiday calendar is not much different from ours. New Year, Christmas, May Day. Catholic All Saints Day November 1st. St. Stephen's Day is August 20th. On April 16, Hungarians remember the victims of the Holocaust. Two whole holidays are dedicated to the Revolution of 1848: March 15 and October 6. The list also includes October 23, the anniversary of the start of the 1956 revolution. The day when the Hungarian KGB officers became afraid. Today this event turns sixty years old.
White Admiral
Hungary became the first country outside the collapsed Russian Empire to establish a communist dictatorship. This happened on March 21, 1919. The Hungarian Bolsheviks acted harshly, in the spirit of their Russian brethren. Became a Hungarian commander Bela Kun, and among his closest associates there were such people as Matthias Rakosi(head of the Red Army and Red Guard) and Erno Gero(then a little-known apparatchik of the Youth Federation of Communist Workers). A party dictatorship was established “in the name of the proletariat.”
Less than five months had passed before the Hungarian Soviet Republic fell under the blows of Romanian and Czechoslovak troops and the local White movement, which was called Szeged after its headquarters. The leaders of the republic fled in all directions, and a year later Bela Kun found himself in the Crimea, where he became famous for his brutal terror against the soldiers of Wrangel’s army, as well as against the allies of the Red Army - fighters of the anarchist army Nestor Makhno. After 18 years, however, he himself was beaten by Stalin’s investigators, so much so that there was no living space left. And, of course, they shot him. This is the gratitude from the Soviet government for your efforts.
The image of one of these quilted jackets went around the whole world. More precisely, one of them. Meet Erica Cornelia Seles. Jewish. The father is a victim of the Holocaust, the mother is a convinced communist. She worked as a hotel chef's assistant. During the revolution she was 15 years old
The monarchy was restored in Hungary, but a unique one - without a monarch. There were contenders for kings, but the Hungarian White Guards were not satisfied with them. When Karl Habsburg in 1921 he tried to return to the throne in Budapest, his followers were dispersed by fascist students. Hastily armed by Szeged captains Gömböshem And Kozma.
Instead of a monarch, a regent ruled - Miklos Horthy. Just as the country was a kingdom without a king, so Horthy was an admiral without a sea or a fleet. The main authority was the aristocratic hippodrome club “Golden Horseshoe”. The country was ruled by officials, counts and bishops, and an advisory voice was given to bankers (preferably not Jewish). At the same time, suffrage was expanded by a teaspoon per hour: they say, “peasants are dangerous children and it is too early to teach them to read and write.”
Civil revolutionary committees and workers' councils were formed throughout the country. Which in fact turned into bodies of trade union or anarcho-syndicalist self-government. “We don’t need a government, we are the masters of Hungary!” - this slogan of the Budapest labor activist Sándor Rácz expressed the entire social essence of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956.
Communists and ultra-leftists were brutally suppressed. But the ultra-right was also seriously reprimanded: “Tell Gyula: if he starts riots, I will shoot him with pain in my heart,” Miklos Horthy told his namesake Miklos Kozma. Gyula Gömbös understood everything and quietly began producing counterfeit pounds sterling. Then he became prime minister and turned out to be Hitler's first foreign guest. As they say, that’s how they lived.
In World War II, Hungary again found itself on the losing side. By the end of 1944, Horthy remained Hitler's last ally. In the end, he tried to wriggle out from under the Reich, and entered into secret negotiations with the Hungarian communists. He got fired up about this and was arrested by the Germans. After the war he went to Portugal. Note that even Stalin did not insist on bringing Horthy to trial. As in the case of Mannerheim.
In the convoy of Soviet troops, the communists again came to power in Hungary. A totalitarian dictatorship was established. This time - for a long time.
The tenth is sacrificed
The Soviet occupiers and communist collaborators applied the standard scenario in Hungary. Elections were held. In which the Independent Party of Smallholders, Agricultural Workers and Citizens (IPMH) convincingly won - 57% of the votes. The coalition of communists and social democrats attached to them was content with 34%. However, the Allied Control Commission granted only half the seats in the government to the victorious majority; the other half was reserved for their opponents. So, the Ministry of Internal Affairs was given to a communist Laszlo Rajk.
At the beginning of 1947, Prime Minister Ferenc Nagy went on a working visit to Switzerland. Once safe, he withdrew his powers and refused to return to his homeland. Became Prime Minister Lajos Dinyes, and then Istvan Doby(both are members of the Small Farmers Party). They were unable to stop the “red wheel”. The first wave of communist repressions arose. With the full support of the Soviet military administration. In the elections of 1949, the communists, now called the Hungarian Workers' Party (HWP), won unconditionally.
Collectivization began in Hungary. It was accompanied by new, even more massive repressions. Compared to other countries of Eastern Europe, Stalinization in Hungary proceeded ahead of schedule and in a stricter form. In 1948, Laszlo Rajk, then his successor in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, was also caught in the mix. Janos Kadar. Eyewitnesses said that when Raik was dragged to the gallows, he, trying to escape, shouted: “We didn’t agree like that!”
The terrorist regime was headed by Matthias Rakosi- a gloomy type, similar to a goblin. He was an extreme Marxist dogmatist and a total Stalinist. At the same time, he was a Jew by nationality and beat his fellow tribesmen with particular cruelty. Hungary became the first country in Eastern Europe in which the theme of the “worldwide Zionist conspiracy” was heard at the show trial. But there are not many Jews in Hungary. Therefore, the bulk of those repressed were, of course, not them.
The Hungarians showed stubborn resistance to communist totalitarianism. Communist terror was particularly cruel in this country. No wonder Rakosi modestly called himself “Stalin’s best student.” With a population of 9 million, about 200 thousand people ended up in prisons, 700 thousand were deported and internted. Total – every tenth Hungarian. About 5 thousand death sentences were imposed for political reasons. Nobody counted those who died during the “social cleansing” (for example, disabled people evicted from Budapest as “unproductive elements” and thrown into an open field).
By 1951, 4 thousand Social Democrats alone were in prison. Among them is the country's recent president Arpad Sakaschitz. In arresting him, Rakosi showed a peculiar sense of humor. On the evening of the fateful day, the communist national leader invited the former head of state to dinner. The sumptuous meal came to an end, and Sakashchits began to say goodbye. The owner, however, said: “Don’t go, Arpad, the real end is yet to come.” And he handed him a piece of paper on which the guest read his “confession.” Not without surprise, Sakashits learned that he worked for the Horthy police, the Gestapo and the British intelligence services.
Hungary is a country of great revolutionary traditions, with a developed labor movement. Therefore, they tried to neutralize the Social Democrats first of all - their experience in organizing strikes was too serious. But with no less frenzy, the Rakoshi state security attacked NPMH. Its leader was also arrested Zoltana Tildi. Torture was used on those arrested, and the exhausted people named such persons as “imperialist contacts” General Gay-Lussac from the French “Second Bureau” (Joseph Louis Gay-Lussac - French physicist and chemist who lived in 1778-1850 - SN editor's note) or colonel Boyle-Marriott from the British intelligence services (one of the main gas laws, discovered in 1662 by Robert Boyle - SN editor's note)... It seems that Lieutenant General William Shakespeare would have gone off with a bang there.
By the way, about the generals. Many of them were executed. This fate befell the Chief of the General Staff Laszlo Scholza and Inspector General of the Army Laszlo Kuttyi. One of the killed, head of the military academy Kalman Revai, eight months before the execution, he commanded the execution of his friend and comrade György Palffy. It should be especially noted that the majority of those executed participated in the Resistance movement. The murder of these people is explained quite rationally: if they fought against Nazism, then who will vouch for their loyalty to communism?
In general, the Hungarian communists got the wrong people. However, no nation is suitable for such regimes. Vatniks, what can you do?
Return of the Poet
Stalin's death in Moscow orphaned the best student in Budapest. Rakosi's reins weakened, although he retained the post of first secretary of the ruling VPT. But the position of Chairman of the Council of Ministers had to be given up Imre Nadi.
Some people were released from prison. In some places, evictions from cities have been stopped. Peasants stopped being openly robbed and workers were no longer pressured by standards. People started saying what they thought. The specter of liberation loomed on the horizon. And the circumstances were such that the symbol of these changes became Imre Nagy, in not so long ago an agent of the Comintern and the NKVD.
For ordinary people, the new prime minister has become an idol. He tried to live up to his image. But it cost him dearly.
On April 18, 1955, Nagy was removed from office and expelled from the party - they say he was too liberal. A year later, however, Rakosi himself was removed from the party secretaryship. But it was replaced by Erno Gero, and this horseradish was no sweeter than a radish.
Meanwhile, good news came from neighboring Poland: the workers had risen up against the communist nomenklatura. In Hungary, the movement began with the intelligentsia. The student “Petofi Circle,” created back in 1954, initially aroused enthusiasm in the local Komsomol. But, as is often the case, real life did not coincide with the aspirations of the party hierarchy. They rushed to ban the “circle”. But young people were in no hurry to be banned. By the time of Geryo’s appointment, the forbidden circle named after the great revolutionary poet had about seven thousand people as grateful listeners.
In order to somehow soften political passions, the authorities pulled the image of “true Leninism” out of the ideological closet. Laszlo Rajk, who was executed eight years earlier, was posthumously assigned to personify him. On October 6, 1956, he was solemnly reburied. Rehabilitation took place even earlier, even under Rakosi. Who had to endure this on the orders of Soviet curators.
A week after the reburial, Raika began Mihai Farkas trial. This butcher (by the way, also a Jew, like Rakosi and Gero), being the Minister of Defense, killed the “enemies of the people” in such a way that even the KGB officers’ hair stood on end. Khrushchev called Farkas a “sadist” and a “scarecrow.” For his antics, he was removed from the Politburo in 1954, and on October 12, 1956, he was arrested. Together with him, his son, State Security Colonel Vladimir Farkas, was also arrested. No one was allowed to attend the trial, and the students did not like this very much. They wanted to look the ghouls in the eyes.
On October 16, 1956—one day after the seventh anniversary of Rajk’s execution—youth activists founded the Union of Students of Hungarian Universities and Academies. It started from the city of Szeged, and on October 22 the wave reached the capital. Students from the Budapest University of Construction Industry have compiled a list of demands to the authorities. On October 23, they planned a protest march from the monument to Józef Bem to the monument to Sándor Petőfi. Both are known to have achieved fame in the Hungarian Revolution of 1848. Students picked up the baton of heroes.
The authorities were seriously worried. I got scared and Yuri Andropov- Ambassador of the USSR to the Hungarian People's Republic. He immediately sent a telegram to Moscow. It is clear what the counter instructions were.
Fight and carnage
The demonstration began on October 23, 1956 at three o'clock in the afternoon. 200 thousand people took to the streets of Budapest. Geryo publicly condemned those gathered. This served as a can of gasoline that was splashed onto the fire.
A peaceful demonstration turned into a violent attack. Demonstrators stormed the Radio House, where, by coincidence, there were state security officers. Towards nightfall the first casualties appeared. Construction battalion members joined the protesters. It was the workers, not the students, who became the main force of the uprising. Moreover, the workers are armed.
The deployed troops were paralyzed. Firstly, there were few of them (no more than 2.5 thousand soldiers). Secondly, at first they were not given any ammunition. Thirdly, and most importantly, they had no desire to fight against their own people. And the situation turned out exactly like this: it was not individual citizens who rebelled, it was the people who rebelled. Realizing this, the Chief of Police of Budapest Sandor Kopachi fulfilled the demand of the crowd - to release political prisoners and remove the red stars of the Communist Party from the facade of the Radio House.
As always in such cases, the released prisoners added a significant amount of drive. It is clear that among them were not only democratic political prisoners. There were enough ordinary criminals, and - to be honest - former Nazis, as well as communists, who were also not distinguished by excessive tolerance.
In the dead of night, the shocked leaders of the VPT decided on a new major concession - to return Imre Nagy to the prime minister. At the same time, they rushed to bow to the Kremlin: “Khrushchev, send in the troops!” Actually, they didn’t have to worry about this. Khrushchev was not like Putin, and Soviet armored vehicles were already moving towards the capital of Hungary. By the morning of October 24, there were six thousand Soviet soldiers, 290 tanks, 120 armored personnel carriers and 156 guns in Budapest.
It became clear: a counter-revolutionary intervention was underway. As in 1849, under Nicholas I. Social motives faded into the background. Many Hungarian military personnel and police immediately joined the rebels. For them it was no longer an uprising, but something like a war.
Imre Nagy, although popular, was still a nomenclature official, was frightened by the scale of the events. He called on the people to lay down their arms and promised that those who surrender on October 24 before 2 p.m. will not be brought to an emergency trial. The rebels sent their idol away. He no longer decided anything seriously.
The largest battle broke out on October 24 at the Passage Corvina shopping complex. A seemingly peaceful object - a store and a cinema - turned into a strategic outpost. “Corvin's Passage” ensured control over the capital's radio, army barracks, and most importantly, over the junction of the main transport routes. 26-year-old military sports instructor Laszlo Kovacs and a 24-year-old agronomist Gergely Pongratz gathered here up to four thousand fighters with small arms, grenades and Molotov cocktails. The Soviet 33rd Guards Mechanized Division under the command of Major General Gennady Obaturov.
The convenient position of the Corvin, narrow approaches and well-established defenses allowed the Hungarians to repel several tank attacks. Through the mediation of a Hungarian communist general Gyula Varadi Soviet general Obaturov entered into negotiations with Kovacs. The result of these negotiations was the removal of Kovacs from command - the militia wanted to fight! On November 1, the compromise Kovacs was replaced by the determined Pongratz, who received the nickname Usatiy. He did not listen to the orders of Nagy and Maleter, he fought at his own risk. Only on November 9, having lost 12 tanks, Soviet troops took the Corvin Passage. Pongratz managed to escape under artillery fire with several hundred fighters. The city guerrilla of Usatii continued for several more days.
On October 25, two more divisions approached the city. There was a shootout near parliament, 61 people were killed. According to other sources, almost 100 people were killed, and the demonstration was shot at from the roofs of nearby buildings.
On October 26, the government again promised amnesty to all those who surrendered by 10 p.m. And the people again refused to raise their hands. They did not forgive the blood of their brothers. In addition, all of Hungary was rising behind the capital. Workers, students, military...
However, there was a social group to which the principles of the “class world” did not apply. We are talking about “avoshes” - state security agents, Hungarian security officers (AVO - State Security Department, in 1950 renamed AVH - State Security Administration). About those who tracked down the “suspicious” and opened cases against them. About those who carefully filed sheets of paper into thick folders containing materials from criminal proceedings. About those who tortured and killed their compatriots with impunity for almost a decade.
They were afraid of them for ten years. But now they were afraid. Some were scared to death. For example, a state security major was brutally killed Laszlo Magyar. Here is the irony of fate: first Magyar killed the Magyars, and then the Magyars killed Magyars.
In the best case scenario for them, the “avoshes” were immediately killed like rabid dogs. They shot or hung from lanterns. But it also happened differently. They could beat us with sticks for a long time. They could cut off limbs. They could hang them upside down from trees. They say that these spectacles greatly influenced Andropov, forcing him to reconsider some of his “liberal delusions.” But you should have thought: what is this love for?
It hit not only the living, but also the dead. Bronze Stalin's head was sawed off. By the way, this monument was considered “a gift from the Hungarian people for the leader’s seventieth birthday.” With the beginning of the revolution, the people demonstrated their true attitude towards the tyrant. All that remained from the monument were the boots on which the Hungarian flag was hoisted. These boots then stood for a long time on the edge of the city park, demonstrating the favorite fetish of Joseph Vissarionovich’s fans.
On October 27, instead of Görö, the liberal became first secretary Janos Kadar(the same Minister of Internal Affairs who was repressed for Raik). Imre Nagy again proposed a ceasefire. The next day he held negotiations with the leaders of the armed groups Laszlo Ivankovac and Gergely Pongratz. A Revolutionary Military Council was created in Budapest, headed by a colonel of the engineering troops Pal Maleter and general Bela Kiraly, repressed under Rakosi.
Worker, brother and count
Civil revolutionary committees and workers' councils were formed throughout the country. Which in fact turned into bodies of trade union or anarcho-syndicalist self-government. “We don’t need a government, we are the masters of Hungary!” - this is the slogan of a Budapest labor activist Sandora Raca expressed the entire social essence of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956.
It was about establishing genuine proletarian power. For the Stalinists, such an idea was much worse than the “bourgeois-landowner restoration.” She was inspired by the experience of the Hungarian labor movement, and Shyatnikov’s “Workers’ Opposition,” and in some ways by Yugoslav Titoism, taken to its logical conclusion. It was the workers' militia that acted as the shock fighting force of the anti-communist uprising.
Of course, it is not necessary to say that syndicalist workers and democratic students were the only participants in the Hungarian anti-communist movement. Many people came out of hiding in those days. For example, a large group of provincial miners was brought to Budapest to beat the communists by the drunken Count Andrassy. (We note, however, that the miners followed him.) Horthy raised his voice from Portugal - of course, in support of the uprising. Thank you, of course, but I could have kept quiet. However, the essence of all this did not change.
Imre Nagy once again spoke on the radio (which was already starting to annoy people). He announced the dissolution of the communist army and the creation of new national armed forces. The activities of the VPT ceased. Nagy also announced the beginning of negotiations with the USSR on the withdrawal of Soviet troops.
It was burning bridges. There was no way back. Nagy himself may not have realized how he was becoming the face of the anti-communist revolution. But many communists, out of old disciplinary habit, obeyed the prime minister's instructions.
On the 29th, it seemed that the revolution had won. The State Security Department has been disbanded. Soviet troops began to leave the capital of Hungary. Political prisoners were released from prison, among them the Primate of Hungary, Cardinal József Mindszenty. On October 30, the USSR Government Declaration on the Fundamentals of Relations with Socialist Countries was announced, from which it followed that the events in Hungary were positive...
The revolution in Hungary brought different people to the surface. For example, a refrigerator engineer József Dudas. A native of Transylvania, in his youth he was an ardent communist. For this he spent nine years in a Romanian prison. Then he ended up in Hungary, where he became a liaison for the communist underground and fought against Horthy. He rose quite high in the party hierarchy, even participating in the peace negotiations of 1945. He got to know his comrades closely, and therefore after the war he went to the NPMH. When mass repressions began, the communists did not know what to do with him and simply sent him back to Romania. There Dudash was again put in prison, this time a communist one. In 1954 he was released, and he once again ended up in Hungary. Installed refrigeration units at a Budapest plant. And I waited.
Life “from bell to bell” ruined Dudash’s character. He fiercely hated communism and was eager to take revenge. It doesn’t matter which communists - Hungarian, Romanian or Paraguayan. József believed: the time would come.
As soon as the uprising began, Dudash put together a fighting detachment of 400 people. Inveterate criminals, people from the bottom of the city, gathered there. With such people it was easier for Jozsef. Having robbed the State Bank, the gang received a million forints. The loot that conquers evil went to the cause of the revolution. This was not enough for Dudash, and he seized the printing house of the newspaper “Free People”, the central organ of the VPT. Now, instead of party slogans, citizens could read in the newspaper calls for the overthrow of the communist government. The newspaper, by the way, began to be called “Hungarian Independence”.
What kind of communists did Dudash call to overthrow? The government of Imre Nagy, which itself has essentially renounced communism! Quite a turn on the part of the former underground communist. Right hook, you might say.
The Dudashevites became famous for their particularly brutal reprisals against state security officers. And ordinary communists had a hard time from them. Why be surprised? No one hates the “most advanced teaching” more than the former fanatics of communism. Whenever possible, the "avoshis" and party apparatchiks tried to surrender to anyone - workers, military, even Hortiists - just to avoid falling into the hands of a recent party comrade.
Dudas's militants represented the most radical wing of the Hungarian Revolution. The more moderate ones followed Kiraly and Maleter, co-chairs of the Revolutionary Military Council. But there were also certain disagreements between them. General Kiraly had no objections to physical reprisals against the Rakoshis. Colonel Maleter considered this unacceptable self-will. He even executed some (at least 12 people) for this self-will. The reason lies in the fact that Kiraly was in a communist prison, but Maleter was not.
Despite the differences, there were things that united all the rebels without exception. First, Soviet troops must leave the country. Secondly, Hungary must become a multi-party democracy - and on this basis it will be decided what it will be: syndicalist according to Ratz (as the majority of the movement demanded) or some other. Thirdly, it is necessary to cleanse the state apparatus of supporters of the old regime. Another thing is that Maleter understood purge as expulsion from the ranks, and Dudash as physical extermination.
Way to victory
Perhaps Hungary would go down in history as the first Warsaw Pact country to free itself from the dictatorship of the USSR. However, the international balance of power has confused all the cards. As luck would have it, on October 29, Israel attacked Egypt. A commotion broke out at the UN, separating key NATO members on opposite sides of the barricades: America stood for Egypt, Great Britain and France for Israel. Whereas Moscow agreed on the suppression of the Hungarian uprising not only with its Eastern European vassals, but also with Tito and Mao Zedong.
A social group to which the principles of the “class world” did not apply - “avos”, state security agents, Hungarian security officers (AVO - State Security Department, in 1950 renamed AVH - State Security Administration)
Khrushchev believed that leaving Hungary would encourage the “imperialists” to advance further. This is not to mention the fact that the head of the world communist system could not allow the fall of his sister regime. In turn, the Americans made it clear that if something happened they would remain completely neutral. As for the British and French, they could not help the rebellious people of Hungary: all their forces were tied up in the Middle East.
The hands of the Soviet troops were untied. On November 4, the suppression of the uprising began. Budapest burned in fierce battles. The last pockets of resistance were cleared by November 8th. This date is considered the day of the defeat of the Hungarian Revolution. However, forest guerrilla warfare continued for several more months. And most importantly, the workers’ councils held on until December 19. The Central Workers' Council (CWC) in Budapest, under the chairmanship of Sándor Rácz, held powerful silent demonstrations even at the end of November. The workers submitted to superior military force, but firmly stood their ground.
Communists and KGB officers rushed to take revenge for the fear they experienced. About three thousand people died in the battles of fighting Budapest. After the suppression, about two thousand more were killed and executed. The death penalty for participants in the uprising was abolished only in 1960, but the last rebel Laszlo Nikkelburg was shot in 1961. Up to 40 thousand Hungarians ended up in prisons.
József Dudas was found and arrested two weeks after the suppression of the uprising. On January 14, 1957, he was sentenced to death, and on January 19, the sentence was carried out. The “moderate” Maleter was arrested on November 4, having agreed to visit a Soviet military base for negotiations. Naive! That's what it means - I wasn't in a communist prison. It was not just anyone who arrested him, but Ivan Serov himself, the chairman of the Soviet KGB.
Imre Nagy took refuge in the Yugoslav embassy, but was tricked out of there and transported to Romania. Tito and Khrushchev asked to be generous and not execute him. However, Janos Kadar, who had now become the head of Hungary, was not going to leave Nagy alive. Taking advantage of the latest aggravation between the USSR and Yugoslavia, he quickly organized a closed trial. On June 16, 1958, Imre Nagy and Pal Maleter were hanged. Six months earlier, on December 30, 1957, Laszlo Kovacs, the first commander of the Corvin defense, who tried to resolve the matter peacefully, was hanged. And thirty years later they were declared national heroes of Hungary.
Bela Kiraly, who occupied a middle position between Maleter and Dudas, emigrated first to France, then to the United States. There he founded the Hungarian Committee and the Association of Freedom Fighters. He devoted himself to historical science. After 1989, the rehabilitated man returned to his homeland as a colonel general. On July 4, 2009, he passed away. He died in his native Hungary, in Budapest, a citizen of a free country.
Sandor Ratz did not give up until the end. His CRC coordinated strikes and other protests throughout the country. Entrance to the largest factories and mines was closed to communists. The workers negotiated with the authorities from a position of strength: “We are the masters of Hungary.” The permanent threat of a general strike and flooding of the mines hung over the Kadar government. It ended with Kadar personally luring Ratz and his deputy Sandor Bali to negotiations in the parliament building. Both were arrested on December 11.
The court sentenced Rat to life imprisonment. He was kept in a cell, the barred window of which overlooked the courtyard where executions were carried out. Released under amnesty in 1963. He was an anti-communist dissident. In the new Hungary, Sándor Ratz was surrounded by universal respect; he was a member of the currently ruling Fidesz party, and headed the International Federation of Hungarians. He died at the age of 80 in 2013. Sandor Bali came out of prison at the same time as Ratz, stayed close to him, but died much earlier, in 1982.
The desperate mustache Gergely Pongratz fought through the ring and managed to escape from occupied Hungary. Having reached Vienna, he joined the emigrant Revolutionary Military Council. Then he moved to Spain, then to the USA. Worked at a factory in Chicago, on a farm in Arizona. He was Kiraly's deputy in the Freedom Fighters Association. In 1991 he returned home as a winner. He founded the organization of veterans of the 1956 revolution, created a museum, and opened a chapel. He became one of the founders of the now famous ultra-right party Jobbik. Died on May 18, 2005. One of the national awards is named after Gergely Pongratz. And of course, he had never shaved his bushy mustache in his life.
It is also interesting to follow the fate of the opponents of the Hungarian revolution. Matthias Rakosi was taken to the USSR, and Kadar asked to be kept in some dingy shack and not allowed to relax. Khrushchev agreed to this request. From sunny Krasnodar, Rakosi was taken to Kyrgyz Tokmak. The exile was quite harsh; the former ruler had to chop his own wood. Then he was taken here and there, just not to the capital. Together with his Russian wife. In 1971, the once all-powerful Hungarian tyrant died in Gorky. Hated by all Hungarians and despised by the Soviet masters.
Erno Geryo fled to the USSR, away from people's gratitude. Returned to Hungary five years later. He was expelled from the Communist Party and not allowed into politics. Like, work as a translator and don’t poke your nose where you’re not invited. Geryo didn't mind. So he died in 1980.
Mihai Farkas, whose arrest was one of the “matches” that started the fire, was sentenced in April 1957 to 14 years in prison. The same “sadist” with whom Khrushchev was dissatisfied. Justice in post-revolutionary Hungary turned out to be somehow selectively merciful: after three years, Farkas was released from prison, then worked as a lecturer in a publishing house. Died in 1965. His son Vladimir Farkas was convicted and released along with him.
By the way, it was Farkas Jr. who brutally tortured Janos Kadar at one time. I wonder if Kadar took revenge on the geek? He probably took revenge after all. At the very least, Vladimir became one of the few state security employees who publicly repented of what he had done. In 1990, his autobiography “No Forgiveness” was published. I was a lieutenant colonel in the State Security Department,” where he uncovered the “avosh” torture kitchen. Farkas, of course, tried in every possible way to whitewash himself, but admitted that he was a criminal. He died in September 2002.
Well, everything is clear with Kadar himself. The Secretary General of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party, the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (as the reformed Communist Party became known) lived “happily ever after.” He retired in 1988, and died a year later, just before the fall of communist power. But before the ceremonial reburial of the remains of Imre Nagy on June 17, 1989, he managed to catch. And after two and a half weeks, with a calm soul, he left for another world. It must be said that both funeral processions were grandiose.
The quilted jacket sounds proud
“In a glorious uprising, our people overthrew the Rákosi regime. He achieved freedom and independence. The new party will put an end to the crimes of the past once and for all. She will defend the independence of our country from all attacks. I appeal to all Hungarian patriots. Let us unite our forces in the name of victory for the independence and freedom of Hungary!”
What is this? Whose appeal is Ratsa, Dudasha, Maletera? It’s somehow too cool for Imre Nagy. Yes, this is not Imre Nagy. This is Janos Kadar, November 1, 1956, from the convoy of Soviet troops. The “new party” that will “put an end to Rakosi’s crimes forever” and “will defend the freedom of Hungary” is Kadar’s HSWP.
After the suppression of the revolution, the regime underwent significant liberalization. By USSR standards, Hungary was considered downright free. And small business, and self-supporting, and you can travel to Austria, and the censorship is mild, and you can debate. Of course, this was already the merit of the revolution. The ruling classes don't give anything voluntarily. And if they throw something off the master’s shoulder, it will be taken away over time. Something can only be taken through real combat.
Proof of this is the fate of the countries of the “socialist camp”. Life was best where there were revolutions, uprisings or, in extreme cases, student unrest. And where resistance was confined within party structures, the authorities fought as hard as they could.
Who raised Hungary to liberation in battle? Nobles, priests and officers? Not really. Among the dead rebels, military and police account for 16.3%. Intellectuals - 9.4%. Students (who started with) - 7.4%. There are very few peasants, artisans, and small owners - 6.6%. But almost half are workers, 46.4%. This is who gave battle to the “dictatorship of the proletariat.” And in the end, he broke it.
A couple of years ago, the word “vatnik” appeared in the vocabulary of the Russian liberal intelligentsia. When they say this, they primarily have workers, people of manual labor. People who are not rich and want to save every penny. It is assumed that the quilted jacket blames America, national traitors, Freemasons, crests, Hasidim, Martians for all his troubles... Anyone, but not those who really oppress him. This is an eternal evil patient. This image has developed in the liberal mainstream. The Hungarians leave no stone unturned. Because it was the quilted jackets that became the main force of the glorious revolution of 1956.
The image of one of these quilted jackets went around the whole world. More precisely, one of them. Meet: Erica Cornelia Seles. Jewish. The father is a victim of the Holocaust, the mother is a convinced communist. She worked as a hotel chef's assistant. During the days of the revolution she was 15 years old. She took the PPSh and joined the rebel ranks. She was a nurse and carried wounded soldiers out from under fire. The fatal bullet overtook her on the last day of the uprising - November 8, 1956.
A week before her death, a Danish photojournalist Vagn Hansen captured Erica in several photographs. We see a gloomy, strict beyond her years, but very beautiful girl. In a real, undeniable quilted jacket. Ready to defend the Motherland, freedom and honor until the last breath.
There were thousands and thousands of such girls and boys. All of them are national heroes of free Hungary. All of them are forever in the memory of millions. All of them continued the Hungarian revolutionary tradition of Kossuth and Petőfi. A tradition that continues to this day.
The Hungarian Revolution left us images of these people. But not only. Another powerful motivator is images of hanged executioners. Reminiscent of retribution against evil.
Execution
It is logical to ask whether the demands of the Budapest students, with whom the revolution began, have been fulfilled. There are discrepancies in the sources. Some talk about sixteen requirements, others about fourteen. Ten of them are known for sure. Let's consider them.
1) Immediate convening of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Working People's Party and reorganization of its composition by newly elected party committees.
Fully implemented in 1989. The Hungarian Socialist Party became known as the Hungarian Socialist Party and became one of the many parties in democratic Hungary.
2) Formation of a new government headed by Imre Nagy.
Alas, Imre Nagy did not live to see the liberation of his country. However, he was rehabilitated and reburied. Hungarian governments are now formed according to the will of the citizens.
3) Establishment of friendly Hungarian-Soviet and Hungarian-Yugoslav relations on the principles of complete economic and political equality and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs.
Partially performed in the late 1950s, completely in the late 1980s.
4) Conducting a universal, equal and secret vote for elections to the National Assembly with the participation of parties that are part of the Popular Front.
Done. Moreover, any party can participate in elections.
5) Reorganization with the help of specialists of the Hungarian economy and, within the framework of this, ensuring truly economic use of Hungarian uranium ore.
Done.
6) Streamlining labor standards in industry and introducing worker self-government at enterprises.
The latter cannot be said. The Hungarian economy was reformed on capitalist principles. But the most important thing has been achieved: enterprises are independent of the state and can introduce any kind of management they want.
7) Revision of the system of mandatory supplies of products to the state and support for individual peasant farms.
Mandatory deliveries have been cancelled. Work where you want, produce what you want.
8) Review of all political and economic court cases, amnesty for political prisoners, rehabilitation of those innocently convicted and subjected to other repressions. Open hearing of the trial of Mihai Farkas.
Unfortunately, Mihai Farkas did not live to see the time when he could be tried in an open court. However, materials about him are now open. The rest, of course, was completed without question.
9) Restoration of the Kossuth coat of arms as the country's coat of arms, declaring March 15 and October 6 national holidays and non-working days.
Almost done. March 15 and October 6 are national holidays and non-working days. The modern coat of arms of Hungary differs from the coat of arms of Kossuth only in the shape of the shield and the absence of a crown (after all, it is not a monarchy).
10) Implementation of the principle of complete freedom of opinion and press (including radio) and, within this framework, the founding of an independent daily newspaper as the organ of the new Union of Students of Hungarian Universities and Academies, as well as the publicization and destruction of personal files on citizens.
Essentially done.
As we see, the demands with which the revolution began have been realized to one degree or another. Some of them bear the stamp of social narrow-mindedness characteristic of Hungary in the mid-1950s. Therefore, of course, some points do not go beyond party understanding. Who in those years would have dared to assume that not only parties belonging to the “popular” and any other “front” could participate in elections? Who would dare to think that mandatory deliveries could not only be “revised”, but also abolished?
But it is not for us, the people of 2016, to criticize the Hungarian revolutionaries of 1956. Moreover, not for us in modern Russia. They did what they could. They gave an impetus that overturned the regime after a third of a century. They set an example and gave hope to all who are fighting for better things. They accomplished something that we are now just approaching. Moving along the road started by the Hungarians and laid by the Ukrainians.
Finally, the end of the list of Hungarian demands:
“The student youth expresses unanimous solidarity with the workers and youth of Warsaw, with the Polish movement for national independence.”
That's it, guys. Uprisings start with solidarity.
