In different life situations we have to face different life circumstances

Child And social norms

Each year of childhood, adolescence and adolescence is not only a new step in mental development, personality formation, the formation of mental functions and the “maturation” of intellectual capabilities, but it is also a stage of social formation, expansion and qualitative change in a person’s socio-psychological capabilities. Socio-psychological development is the process of a person’s assimilation of the social experience currently available to him; creative processing of the latter into personal experience, into internal social values and attitudes. The definition is cumbersome, but it reflects the essence of this process.

Being in a certain environment - a family, an educational institution, a company of peers - child as if “swallowing” those norms and the values that dominate in this environment, and then gradually processes them, changing and adapting them to their individual characteristics and life goals. But everything is very difficult. The processes of “absorption” and processing of social experience are separated in time. There are whole stages of life when child is guided mainly by acquired, but not processed experience, that is, lives by someone else's mind. In other periods of life, there is a rapid process of processing and comprehension of experience: at this time the main thing is to live not like everyone else, to be unlike others. The complex spiral of socio-psychological development should lead to the social maturity of the individual - a state of harmony between the typical and individual in a person. But this does not happen quickly and not always.

The stages of socio-psychological development are not strictly tied to age. Although there is an undoubted connection between social maturity and the level of intellectual development. And in general, a high level of social responsibility and independence is possible, according to Kohlberg, one of the recognized authorities in the field of developmental psychology and education, only upon reaching the highest stage of development of thinking (according to J. Piaget).

Adolescence, which elevates a child to the highest level of intellectual development available to him, is the richest and most dramatic from the point of view of socio-psychological development. But long before that child enters into active interaction with the world of values and norms.

Preschooler.

Normativity and spontaneity of behavior and assessments in the preschool period are extremely intricately intertwined. On the one hand, the preschooler is not confident in the sufficiency of his own experience and is very susceptible to the assimilation of norms and rules, therefore, in all situations controlled by the “adult world”, child tends to be rigidly and uncritically normative. On the other hand, a small child’s voluntary control over his own actions is still very unstable, therefore, in the absence of constant external normative pressure, he is not able to independently maintain himself within the framework of “correct” behavior. Another age trait of a preschooler. Yes, child very sensitive to norms, happy to copy external patterns of behavior, but in his desire to imitate he is uncritical and “omnivorous.” With equal gusto he reproduces both “good” and “bad” social samples.

How to untangle this knot? Parents and teachers have a great temptation to lead the child’s social development along the lines of “reduced” imitation (reinforcing only socially positive models). But this is a dead end road. Another, but more realistic prospect looks less attractive from a pedagogical point of view, since it is fraught with many conflicts and sharp edges, but it is precisely this that takes the child to a new personal level. This is the line of formation of social independence of behavior. The meaning of independence is the ability to notice situations when the actions of peers or adults are at odds with your experience, and to resist their authority, acting as you see fit. The first manifestations of independence are in recognizing the mistakes of other people. What the first shoots of such social independence turn into depends largely on the adult’s reaction. It's unpleasant when you're small child indicates inconsistency or obvious error in your actions. But what to do?

Junior schoolboy.

7-10 years is a blissful stage of a child’s socio-psychological development for educators, which has received the stable name “the right age.” Teaching others is a difficult task, but in general, it is a sin for elementary school teachers to complain. But they bear a colossal responsibility, and the consequences of an incorrect socio-psychological “policy” towards children can be observed for many, many years. “For a long time,” states H. Leites, “school life consists of listening to the teacher and doing what she says.” The most important socio-psychological task of the “right age” is the assimilation of typical experience. Often not critical. The main thing is to save up and learn how to do it; there is still a lot of time ahead to comprehend everything. There is no need to interfere with this for the child. There is no need to try to make him personally independent at 9 years old. He may not be able to handle it. It is only important not to exploit the child’s normativity, to respect his dignity and enormous personal potential. But the time will come, and... The “correct” age, with various individual variations, continues until 10-11 years.

Young teenager.

The principle clearly prevails over the specific case. Assessing a particular situation, child tries to apply to her this or that moral law, gleaned from books, heroic films, family conversations. But not from my life. Personal experience still does not have much value in the eyes of its bearer.

Combine all of the above with the child’s need to be active in defending his views on life, his ability to commit strong actions, which he did not have 2-3 years ago, and you will get an explosive, dramatic inner world, you will see the germ of future mental turmoil. You will also find sources of life scenarios such as "Pavlik Morozov", youth fascist organizations, extremist religious organizations. You need to be very careful in your words and actions when communicating with a younger teenager. The lies and duplicity of adults evoke strong negative feelings in him. It is difficult to regain the trust of a person for whom the whole world is black and white if you have already stepped at least one foot on the black side of it.

Senior teenager.

13-15 years old is the age of the all-conquering desire for individualization and the denial of typical social experience. But the teenager is not yet ready for complete personal autonomy, he is strangled by a strong emotional protest, against the backdrop of powerful emotional experiences there is still no room for analysis, comprehension, or search for his own value guidelines.

The half-hearted autonomy of a teenager is expressed in the same bizarre way as half-hearted normalization in the preschool period. A teenager is freed from generalized social norms of the adult world that do not work in life and uncritically learned, through uncritical, complete immersion in norms reference group of peers. Now the main source from which he draws material for understanding the world of social relations is spontaneous personal experience, often obtained in risky, extreme forms. The teenager is not free from typical experiences child develops in antiphase to it. And he is not looking for freedom, he is not ready for it. He needs a path in life along which he can walk, freely waving his long, disproportionate and awkward arms, and which would have clearly defined, understandable and unambiguous curbs. There is no return to uncritical normativity. Or rather, there is, but at the cost of giving up individuality.

There is the path of the “eternal teenager”, who is in an imaginary free flight, and there is the path of the formation of socio-psychological independence, conscious, personally formed and accepted normativity. According to Kohlberg, the path to socio-psychological maturity begins after 15 years. But the beginning and end of this path is difficult to pin down to age stages. Maturity is a level of development when a person is guided in actions and assessments by his own values and norms, but possessing universal human breadth and universality. A mature person has a fairly high intelligence, diverse social experience, and a sense of self-worth that has been carried through all the storms and upheavals of childhood and adolescence.

FEATURES OF SOCIAL BEHAVIOR OF BOYS AND GIRLS OF SENIOR PRESCHOOL AGE IN PLOT-ROLE-PLAYING GAME

Podolskaya Olesya Aleksandrovna 1, Klokova Azhelika Valerievna 2
1 Yelets State University named after. I.A. Bunina, teacher at the Department of Preschool and Correctional Pedagogy
2 Yelets State University named after. I.A. Bunina, student

annotation
The article examines the features of social behavior of children of senior preschool age in role-playing games. Methodological recommendations are given to teachers of preschool educational institutions on the formation of social behavior of boys and girls of senior preschool age in role-playing games.

PECULIARITIES OF SOCIAL BEHAVIOR OF BOYS AND GIRLS OF PRESCHOOL AGE IN THE ROLE-PLAYING GAME

Podolskay Olesya Aleksandrovna 1 , Klokova Angelica Valeryevna 2
1 Yelets State Ivan Bunin University, lecturer, department of preschool pedagogy and correctional
2 Yelets State Ivan Bunin University, student

Abstract
In the article features of social behavior of children of preschool age in the role-playing game to considered. Methodological recommendations for the teachers of pre-school educational institution on the formation of the social behavior of boys and girls preschool age in the role-playing game are provided.

Bibliographic link to the article:
Podolskaya O.A., Klokova A.V. Features of social behavior of boys and girls of senior preschool age in role-playing games // Psychology, sociology and pedagogy. 2014. No. 5 [Electronic resource]..02.2019).

Preschool education is the first stage of the educational system in Russia. In the context of the implementation of the Federal State Educational Standards (FSES) for preschool education, the choice by modern Russian pedagogy of the path of humanizing upbringing and education, the struggle for the return of a true understanding of masculinity and femininity to educational activities is especially relevant today.

The goal is to form in a child a future man, husband, father, future woman, wife, mother - one of the main things in education. For a long time, especially during the Soviet period, genderless education was cultivated in domestic pedagogy.

In the studies of T.V. Bendas, O.A. Voronina, S.V. Glebova, N.S. Grigorieva, A.A. Denisova, A.V. Dresvyagina, V.D. Eremeeva, I.S. Kletsina, Ya.L. Kolominsky, I.S. Kohn, L.G. Lunyakova, L.V. Popova, N.L. Pushkareva, T.P. Khrizman, L.V. Shtyleva and others emphasize that when forming a personality, it is necessary to take into account the specifics of gender, cognitive activity, emotional sphere and types of social behavior of boys and girls.

Boys should be courageous, brave, decisive, responsible, emotionally stable, and have a chivalrous attitude towards female representatives.

Girls, in turn, should be caring, gentle, modest, tolerant, and be able to resolve conflict peacefully. During a period of intense physical growth and development of mental processes, children must be clearly aware of their gender identity.

I.S. Cohn believes that the universal factor of sexual socialization is the society of peers of both the same and the opposite sex.

Preschool age plays an important role in the socialization of children. Social behavior presupposes the child’s deep assimilation of models of correct adequate behavior, norms, and values that allow him to be a full-fledged member of society.

According to N.D. Nikandrova, S.N. Gavrova et al., socialization is the influence of life as a result of which an individual learns the rules accepted in a given society, norms, values, behavior patterns.

HELL. Glafirova, considers the role of men and women to be an important part of socialization. The child observes the behavior of men and women, which helps him learn immediate social roles. The society in which children develop, where they acquire knowledge, skills and abilities, gives them a setting for a certain social role.

Role-playing game in preschool age is one of the types of children's activities. It is here that children learn the rules of behavior taking into account the gender factor. Older preschoolers choose the role-playing game that helps them decide on their gender role orientation.

Impulsive activity, when a child is not aware of his gender, gradually changes to indirect, conscious activity. Boys and girls understand and accept social roles associated with behavior adapted to the given situation. In role-playing games, children can evaluate good and bad deeds and understand the moral standards of good and evil.

The social behavior of older preschoolers is distinguished by the possibility of developing the ability to know oneself in unity with the world, in dialogue with it, the ability of self-determination, self-actualization. All this is represented by the skills of cultural behavior, specific knowledge (individual experience of knowing the world around us), role behavior, and social competence. The social roles of children are subject to rules that change depending on the situation. Consequently, the social behavior of boys and girls of senior preschool age should be proactive, flexible, adapted to the necessary situation, independent and independent. When one component changes, the entire component changes.

The process of social behavior of children of senior preschool age includes social self-awareness: species (child is a person), generic (child is a family member), gender (child is a carrier of a sexual essence).

Thus, the development of social behavior in older preschoolers includes several components:

Motivational (shows of kindness, care, help, attention, mercy);

Cognitive (knowledge of another person - an adult, a peer - and the ability to understand his interests and needs, notice changes in mood, emotional state, etc.);

Behavioral (related to the choice of appropriate methods of communication and behavior patterns for the situation).

The term “gender” first appears in the research of R. Stoller.

According to N.I. Abubakirova, “gender” is the sociocultural origin of the differences between men and women.

A.A. Chekalina considers “gender” as the socio-psychological sex of a person, which includes the characteristics and characteristics of an individual’s personality in society, manifested in communication and interaction.

By older preschool age, the child is aware of his gender identity, shows interest and behavioral styles in various games and partners in them.

Gender behavior of preschoolers is distinguished by cognitive behavior (the child identifies himself as a certain gender); emotionality (shows gender-role preferences, expresses his interests, represents value orientations, reacts to evaluation, shows emotions associated with the formation of masculinity and femininity traits); behavioral aspect - how the child learns the behavior pattern typical for the gender.

Teachers and parents must understand their child, helping to reveal his gender capabilities. During their stay in a preschool institution, children are exposed exclusively to female attention. Educators do not identify the child’s gender image with a specific social role. Gender-oriented appeal to children is needed in situations where this is appropriate.

In this regard, an important task is to improve the skills of preschool teachers in implementing a differentiated approach to boys and girls, both when communicating with them and when organizing and managing various types of activities.

In preschool age, gender is especially intensively formed in play activities. Children of older preschool age are internally motivated to acquire values, interests and behavior patterns that correspond to their gender. As a result, preschoolers may develop very rigid and stereotypical ideas about “what boys do” and “what girls do.”

At the same time, children pay great attention to behavioral characteristics that correspond to their gender and do not show interest in behavior that is inappropriate for their gender.

Consequently, the upbringing of older preschoolers, taking into account their gender characteristics, will largely be determined by the individual characteristics of each child and depend on the patterns of behavior of women and men that he constantly encounters in the family. Therefore, in the process of guiding children’s role-playing games, the teacher must create situations aimed at demonstrating in boys and girls those personality traits that will allow them to be successful in modern society.

Thus, based on the studied studies revealing the essence and content of the social behavior of boys and girls of senior preschool age, we have developed methodological recommendations for preschool teachers on the formation of gender socialization of children of senior preschool age in role-playing games.

Teachers need to conduct a conversation with older preschoolers in order to identify their ideas about the role of employment of men and women in the family, determine knowledge about the differences between boys and girls, and the culture of their behavior. The results of the conversation should become the basis for developing a plan for further actions of educators with children of senior preschool age and parents, tactics for selecting a set of necessary role-playing games, taking into account gender characteristics.

Teachers should observe independently organized role-playing games of older preschoolers in order to identify each child taking part in the game, his social role.

To draw up a detailed social portrait of each child, it is necessary to conduct a survey with parents. Questionnaire questions must be detailed, understandable and readable. Consequently, all this should serve as a starting point for a set of activities that develop the child’s self-awareness of his social role, taking into account gender. When selecting role-playing games with a gender factor, it is necessary to develop in older preschoolers the consciousness that he belongs to a certain gender, he has precisely those behavioral traits that make up his social portrait.

Educators should not force children to play games in which male and female roles are not clearly defined. When choosing these games, it is necessary to remember that boys prefer military games, construction games and games related to their acquisition of certain labor skills. Girls diligently copy relationships in families and they are interested in playing out feelings and emotions, and not actions, like boys.

Work on shaping the social behavior of boys and girls of senior preschool age in role-playing games should continue for a long time, since the gender aspect, according to N.I. Abubakirova, A.D. Glafirova, etc., is quite difficult to digest.

Educators are recommended to carry out a set of activities for pedagogical education of parents related to gender role orientation. Thus, only the joint activities of preschool teachers and parents can give effective results and help boys and girls of senior preschool age firmly grasp their social role.

Abstract: Social norms and deviant behavior

Plan

Introduction........................................................ ........................... 2

Defining social norms................................................... 3

Concept and types of deviant behavior.................................... 5

Causes of social deviations.................................................... 10

Conclusion................................................. ........................... 14

Literature

1. Kravchenko A.I. Sociology: Textbook for universities. - M.: Academic project, 2000.

2. Frolov S.S. Sociology: Textbook. – M.: Gardariki, 2000.

3. Radugin A.A., Radugin K.A. Sociology. Lecture course. - M.: Center, 1997.

Introduction.

In any social society, there are always social norms accepted in a given society, that is, rules (written and unwritten) by which this society lives. Deviation or non-compliance with these norms is a social deviation or deviation. Deviant behavior, it seems to me, is one of the most important problems of any social society. It has always been, is and will be present in human society. And no matter how much we want to get rid of it, there will always be people called deviants, that is, those who cannot or do not want to live according to the rules and norms accepted in the society in which they live.

However, different social societies differ from each other in the degree of social deviation; I mean that in different social societies there may be a different number of individuals who fall under the definition of “deviants”. Also, different societies may have different degrees of deviance itself, that is, the average level of deviation from the social norms of one society may differ from another.

In this work I set myself the following goals:

1. Define deviant behavior and understand the various forms of its manifestation.

2. Explain the reasons for deviations from social norms among some members of social society.

Definition of social norms.

In order to define what deviant behavior is, it is first necessary to define the concept of “social norms”.

Social norms are instructions, requirements, wishes and expectations of appropriate (socially approved) behavior. Norms are certain ideal samples (templates) that determine what people should say, think, feel and do in specific situations. They differ in scale.

The first type is norms that arise and exist only in small groups (youth parties, groups of friends, family, work teams, sports teams). These are called "group habits."

For example, the American sociologist E. Mayo, who conducted the famous Hawthorne experiments from 1927 to 1932, discovered the norms that senior comrades applied to newcomers accepted into the production team:

· do not keep official relations with “your people”,

· do not tell your superiors anything that could harm group members,

· do not communicate with your superiors more often than with “your own”,

· do not make more products than your comrades.

The second type are norms that arise and exist in large groups or in society as a whole. These are called "general rules". ... These are customs, traditions, morals, laws, etiquette, manners of behavior. Every social group has its own manners, customs and etiquette. There is social etiquette, there are manners of behavior of young people. There are national traditions and mores.

All social norms can be classified depending on how strictly they are enforced.

· Violation of some norms is followed by a mild punishment - disapproval, a smirk, an unfriendly look.

· For violation of other norms there are severe sanctions - imprisonment, even the death penalty.

A certain degree of non-compliance with norms exists in every society and in every group. Violation of palace etiquette, the ritual of diplomatic conversation or marriage causes awkwardness and puts a person in a difficult position. But it does not entail harsh penalties.

In other situations, sanctions are more noticeable. Using a cheat sheet during an exam will result in a grade reduction, and losing a library book will result in a five-fold fine. ... Social norms perform very important functions in society. They:

regulate the general course of socialization,

integrate individuals into groups, and groups into society,

control deviant behavior

· Serve as models and standards of behavior.

How can this be achieved using norms? First, norms are also the duties of one person towards another or other persons. By prohibiting newcomers from communicating with their superiors more often than with their comrades, the small group imposes certain obligations on its members and places them in certain relationships with their superiors and comrades. Therefore, norms form a network of social relations in a group or society.

Secondly, norms are also expectations: others expect completely unambiguous behavior from a person who follows this norm. When some pedestrians move on the right side of the street, and those walking towards them move on the left, orderly, organized interaction occurs. When a rule is broken, clashes and chaos arise. The effect of norms is even more obvious in business. It is, in principle, impossible if the partners do not comply with written and unwritten norms, rules, and laws. Therefore, norms form a system of social interaction, which includes motives, goals, orientation of the subjects of action, the action itself, expectation, evaluation and means.

Norms perform their functions depending on the quality in which they manifest themselves:

· as standards of behavior (responsibilities, rules) or

· as expectations of behavior (the reaction of other people).

From all this it follows that if an individual complies with all the norms prescribed by society, then his behavior is not deviant, but if he does not comply with any rules, then the behavior of this individual will be deviant. But usually in society there are no people who comply with absolutely all norms. Until when is some non-compliance with social norms considered out of the ordinary? To do this, it is necessary to turn to the very concept of “deviation”.

Concept and types of deviant behavior.

Unfortunately, there is no such happy society in which all its members would behave in accordance with general normative requirements. The term “social deviance” refers to the behavior of an individual or group that does not conform to generally accepted norms, as a result of which these norms are violated by them. Social deviance can take many different forms. Criminals from the youth environment, hermits, ascetics, inveterate sinners, saints, geniuses, innovative artists, murderers - all these are people who deviate from generally accepted norms, or, as they are also called, deviants.

In simple societies with a small number of members and a simple structure of norms, deviant behavior is easily identified and controlled. In societies with a complex structure of often contradictory social norms, the problem of deviations from generally accepted behavior grows to very significant proportions. The difficulty of determining the existence of any social deviance can be illustrated by this example: if the majority of adolescents in a social group tend to engage in criminal behavior, and many adults in this group often break the law, in whom should we record deviant behavior - in criminals or in non-criminals? Due to the many difficulties that arise when analyzing this problem, it should be analyzed in more detail.

Cultural and mental disorders. One individual may have deviations in social behavior, another in the personal organization, a third in both the social sphere and the personal organization. Sociologists are primarily interested in cultural deviations, i.e. deviations of a given social community from cultural norms. Psychologists are interested in mental deviations from the norm in the personal organization: psychoses, neuroses, paranoid states, etc. If these two types of deviations are combined, then the deviation from cultural norms is committed by a mentally abnormal person.

People often try to associate cultural deviations with mental ones. For example, radical political behavior is defined as an outlet for emotional hostility, e.g. as a mental disorder; prostitution - as a consequence of emotional deprivations of childhood, when the child had little opportunity to integrate the personality, his own “I”. Sexual deviations, alcoholism, drug addiction, addiction to gambling and many other deviations in social behavior are also associated with personal disorganization, in other words, with mental disorders.

Naturally, personal disorganization is far from the only cause of deviant behavior. Typically, mentally abnormal individuals fully comply with all the rules and norms accepted in society, and vice versa, individuals who are mentally quite normal commit very serious deviations. The question of why this happens interests both sociologists and psychologists.

Individual and group deviations. The most ordinary boy from a stable family, surrounded by decent people, can reject the norms accepted in his environment and show obvious signs of criminal behavior (become a delinquent). In this case, we are faced with an individual deviation from the norm within one subculture. Such a person is usually considered an individual deviant. At the same time, in every society there are many deviant subcultures, the norms of which are condemned by the generally accepted, dominant morality of society. For example, teenagers from difficult families spend most of their time in basements. “Basement life” seems normal to them; they have their own “basement” moral code, their own laws and cultural complexes. In this case, there is not an individual, but a group deviation from the norms of the dominant culture, since adolescents live in accordance with the norms of their own subculture. The subculture in this case contains patterns of behavior introduced by individual deviants. In the example under consideration, each teenager who returns to the generally accepted way of life in society will be an individual deviant from the point of view of this “basement” subculture, and it can apply its own measures of social control towards him. Another example of a group of social deviation can be considered a group of bureaucrats who no longer see the real environment behind the papers and live in the illusory world of paragraphs, circulars and orders. A subculture has also been created here, in which every employee must obey the current bureaucratic cultural norms.

So, we can distinguish between two ideal types of deviations:

1. individual deviations, when an individual rejects the norms of his subculture;

2. group deviation, considered as conformal behavior of a member of a deviant group in relation to its subculture.

In real life, deviant individuals cannot be strictly divided into the two indicated types. Most often, these two types of deviations overlap.

Primary and secondary deviations. The concept of primary and secondary deviations was first formulated and developed in detail by H. Becker (129). It helps to see the process of formation of the personality of a complete deviant.

Primary deviation refers to deviant behavior of an individual, which generally corresponds to cultural norms accepted in society. In this case, the deviations committed by the individual are so insignificant and tolerable that he is not socially classified as a deviant and does not consider himself such. For him and for those around him, deviation looks like just a little prank, eccentricity, or at worst a mistake. Each member of society commits many minor violations throughout his life, and in most cases, others do not consider such people to be deviants.

Deviants remain primary as long as their actions fit within the framework of a socially accepted role.

Secondary deviation is a deviation from existing norms in a group, which is socially defined as deviant. In this case, the person is identified as a deviant. Sometimes, in the case of committing even a single deviant act (rape, homosexuality, drug use, etc.) or an erroneous or false accusation, the individual is labeled a deviant. This labeling process can be a turning point in an individual's life journey. Indeed, the individual who has made the initial deviation from generally accepted norms continues to live the same life, occupy the same place in the system of statuses and roles, and continues to interact with members of the group. But as soon as he receives the label of a deviant, a tendency immediately appears to interrupt many social ties with the group and even to isolate himself from it. Such a person may be removed from his favorite job or profession, rejected by respectable people, or even earn the name of a “criminal” person; it can become dependent on deviant (for example, alcoholics) or criminal (for example, a criminal group) associations, which begin to use the fact of individual deviation, separating this individual from society and instilling in him the moral norms of their subculture. Thus, a secondary deviation can turn a person’s whole life upside down. Favorable conditions are created for repeating the act of deviant behavior. Once the offense is repeated, isolation increases further, more stringent measures of social control begin to be applied, and the person may move into a state characterized by persistent deviant behavior.

It should be noted that some deviations may be positive and some negative. Moreover, in different social groups the concepts of what are positive and what are negative deviations are different. For example, in a criminal group, a recidivist thief is an authoritative person; for the rest of society he is a criminal, and vice versa, a law enforcement officer who protects society from criminal elements evokes a negative attitude among criminals. Thus, deviations can be divided into culturally approved and culturally condemned. Culturally approved deviances are those that are supported by society as a whole. This includes people who stand out from the crowd with genius, some positive personal qualities, famous actors, athletes, etc. Such individuals are ideals for most members of society. Conversely, individuals whose behavior causes disapproval in society are culturally condemned deviants. These include criminals, alcoholics, drug addicts, and homosexuals. It often happens when several of these deviations are combined in one person.

Causes of social deviations.

What are the causes of deviant behavior? Primarily culturally condemned behavior.

The process of socialization (the process of an individual’s assimilation of patterns of behavior, social norms and values necessary for his successful functioning in a given society) reaches a certain degree of completion when the individual reaches social maturity, which is characterized by the individual acquiring an integral social status (the status that determines a person’s position in society). However, in the process of socialization, failures and failures are possible. A manifestation of the shortcomings of socialization is deviant behavior - these are various forms of negative behavior of individuals, the sphere of moral vices, deviations from principles, norms of morality and law.

Sociological or cultural theories of social deviations try to answer the question: why deviants appear. In accordance with them, individuals become deviants, since the processes of socialization they undergo in a group are unsuccessful in relation to some well-defined norms, and these failures affect the internal structure of the personality. When socialization processes are successful, the individual first adapts to the cultural norms surrounding him, then perceives them so that the approved norms and values of the society or group become his emotional need, and the prohibitions of the culture become part of his consciousness. He perceives the norms of the culture in such a way that he automatically acts in the expected manner of behavior most of the time. An individual's mistakes are rare, and everyone around him knows that they are not his usual behavior.

One of the most important factors in teaching moral values and behavioral norms is the family. When a child is socialized into a happy, strong and healthy family, he usually develops as a self-confident, well-mannered individual who perceives the norms of the surrounding culture as fair and self-evident. The child is oriented in a certain way towards his future. If family life is unsatisfactory in some way, then children often develop with gaps in education, in the assimilation of norms and with deviant behavior. Numerous studies of youth crime have shown that about 85% of young people with deviant behavior were brought up in dysfunctional families. American researchers in the field of social psychology have identified five main factors that determine family life as dysfunctional: ultra-severe paternal discipline (rudeness, extravagance, misunderstanding); insufficient maternal supervision (indifference, carelessness); insufficient paternal affection; insufficient maternal affection (coldness, hostility); lack of cohesion in the family (scandals, hostility, mutual hostility). All these factors have a significant impact on the process of socialization of the child in the family and, ultimately, on the education of individuals with deviant behavior.

However, there are also numerous cases of deviant behavior in completely prosperous families. The fact is that the family is far from the only (albeit the most important) institution in society that participates in the socialization of the individual. Norms adopted from childhood can be revised or discarded during interaction with the surrounding reality, in particular with the social environment.

Deviant behavior of individuals can also be the result of such a phenomenon as anomia (a state of lack of norms). This happens in a constantly changing society, where there is no single and unchanging system of norms. In such a situation, it can be difficult for an individual to choose a line of normative behavior, which subsequently gives rise to the individual’s deviant behavior.

When moral norms prohibit certain actions that many individuals wish to perform, another phenomenon of deviant behavior arises - norms of justification. These are cultural patterns by which people justify the implementation of any forbidden desires and actions without openly challenging existing moral norms.

Thus, deviant behavior plays a dual role in society: on the one hand, it poses a threat to the stability of society, on the other, it supports this stability.

For example, if there are numerous cases of social deviations in a society or social group, people lose their sense of expected behavior. There is a disorganization of culture and destruction of social order.

On the other hand, deviant behavior is one of the ways culture adapts to social changes. There is no modern society that remains static for a long time. Even communities completely isolated from world civilizations must change their behavior patterns from time to time due to environmental changes. But new cultural norms are rarely created through discussion and subsequent acceptance by all members of social groups. New social norms are born and develop as a result of the everyday behavior of individuals, in the collision of constantly emerging social circumstances. The behavior of a small number of individuals deviating from old, familiar norms may be the beginning of the creation of new normative patterns. Gradually, overcoming traditions, deviant behavior containing new viable norms increasingly penetrates the consciousness of people. As members of social groups assimilate behavior containing new norms, it ceases to be deviant.

Conclusion.

So, we have determined that deviant behavior is the behavior of an individual or group that does not correspond to generally accepted norms, as a result of which these norms are violated by them. Deviant behavior is a consequence of an unsuccessful process of socialization of the individual: as a result of disruption of the processes of identification and individualization of a person, such an individual easily falls into a state of “social disorganization” when cultural norms, values and social relationships are absent, weakened or contradict each other. This condition is called anomia and is the main cause of deviant behavior.

Considering that deviant behavior can take a variety of forms (both negative and positive), it is necessary to study this phenomenon using a differentiated approach.

Deviant behavior often serves as the basis, the beginning of the existence of generally accepted cultural norms. Without it, it would be difficult to adapt culture to changing social needs. At the same time, the question of to what extent deviant behavior should be widespread and what types of it are useful, and most importantly, tolerable for society, is still practically unresolved. If we consider any areas of human activity: politics, management, ethics, then it is impossible to answer this question quite definitely (for example, which norms are better: the republican cultural norms we have adopted or the old monarchical ones, modern norms of etiquette or the norms of etiquette of our fathers and grandfathers?). It is difficult to give a satisfactory answer to these questions. However, not all forms of deviant behavior require such detailed analysis. Criminal behavior, sexual deviations, alcoholism and drug addiction cannot lead to the emergence of new cultural patterns useful to society. It should be recognized that the overwhelming number of social deviations play a destructive role in the development of society. And only a few deviations can be considered useful. One of the tasks of sociologists is to recognize and select useful cultural patterns in the deviant behavior of individuals and groups.

Each year of childhood, adolescence and adolescence is not only a new step in mental development, personality formation, the formation of mental functions and the “maturation” of intellectual capabilities, but it is also a stage of social formation, expansion and qualitative change in a person’s socio-psychological capabilities. Socio-psychological development is the process of a person’s assimilation of the social experience currently available to him; creative processing of the latter into personal experience, into internal social values and attitudes. The definition is cumbersome, but it reflects the essence of this process.

Being in a certain environment - a family, an educational institution, a company of peers - a child, as it were, “swallows” those norms and values that dominate in this environment, and then gradually processes them, changing and adapting them to his individual characteristics and life goals. But everything is very difficult. The processes of “absorption” and processing of social experience are separated in time. There are entire stages of life when a child is guided mainly by learned but not processed experience, that is, he lives in someone else’s mind. In other periods of life, there is a rapid process of processing and comprehension of experience: at this time the main thing is to live not like everyone else, to be unlike others. The complex spiral of socio-psychological development should lead to the social maturity of the individual - a state of harmony between the typical and individual in a person. But this does not happen quickly and not always.

In childhood and adolescence, the history of a person’s relationship with norms is dramatic, full of dangers, which not everyone can overcome without help and support. At each stage, we can identify some fundamentally important tasks for adults working with children. The effectiveness of their solutions often determines whether the child’s development will be natural and productive. The stages of socio-psychological development are not strictly tied to age. Although there is an undoubted connection between social maturity and the level of intellectual development. And in general, a high level of social responsibility and independence is possible, according to Kohlberg, one of the recognized authorities in the field of developmental psychology and education, only upon reaching the highest stage of development of thinking (according to J. Piaget). Adolescence, which elevates a child to the highest level of intellectual development available to him, is the richest and most dramatic from the point of view of socio-psychological development. But long before that, the child enters into active interaction with the world of values and norms.

Preschooler

On the other hand, a small child’s voluntary control over his own actions is still very unstable, therefore, in the absence of constant external normative pressure, he is not able to independently maintain himself within the framework of “correct” behavior. Another age trait of a preschooler. Yes, the child is very sensitive to norms and gladly copies external patterns of behavior, but in his desire to imitate he is uncritical and “omnivorous.” With equal gusto, he reproduces both “good” and “bad” social models.

How to untangle this knot? Parents and teachers have a great temptation to lead the child’s social development along the lines of “reduced” imitation (reinforcing only socially positive models). But this is a dead end road. Another, but more realistic prospect looks less attractive from a pedagogical point of view, since it is fraught with many conflicts and sharp edges, but it is precisely this that takes the child to a new personal level. This is the line of formation of social independence of behavior. The meaning of independence is the ability to notice situations when the actions of peers or adults are at odds with your experience, and to resist their authority, acting as you see fit. The first manifestations of independence are in recognizing the mistakes of other people. What the first shoots of such social independence turn into depends largely on the adult’s reaction. It is unpleasant when a small child points out the inconsistency or obvious error of your actions. But what to do?

Junior schoolboy

The most important socio-psychological task of the “right age” is the assimilation of typical experience. Often not critical. The main thing is to save up and learn how to do it; there is still a lot of time ahead to comprehend everything. There is no need to interfere with this for the child. There is no need to try to make him personally independent at 9 years old. He may not be able to handle it. It is only important not to exploit the child’s normativity, to respect his dignity and enormous personal potential. But the time will come, and...

The “correct” age, with various individual variations, continues until 10-11 years.

Junior teenager

By the age of 12, social activity and the need to realize one’s moral worldview begin to gain strength. I would compare this stage of age development with the historical period of the Crusades. Younger adolescents are distinguished by a special interest in generalized moral norms and abstract social ideas. The principle clearly prevails over the specific case. Assessing a particular situation, the child tries to apply to it one or another moral law, gleaned from books, heroic films, and family conversations. But not from my life. Personal experience still does not have much value in the eyes of its bearer.

Senior teenager

A teenager is not free from typical experience; the child develops in antiphase to it. And he is not looking for freedom, he is not ready for it. He needs a life path along which he could walk, freely waving his long, disproportionate and awkward arms, which would have clearly defined, understandable and unambiguous curbs. There is no return to uncritical normativity. Or rather, there is, but at the cost of giving up individuality.

According to Kohlberg, the path to socio-psychological maturity begins after 15 years. But the beginning and end of this path is difficult to pin down to age stages. Maturity is a level of development when a person is guided in actions and assessments by his own values and norms, but possessing universal human breadth and universality. A mature person has a fairly high intelligence, diverse social experience, and a sense of self-worth that has been carried through all the storms and upheavals of childhood and adolescence.

Age-related psychology.

Calendar age cannot be the basis for meaningful age periodization, since it blurs individual differences and social conditions of upbringing.

Young children.

From 6 to 9 years old - they are distinguished by mobility, curiosity, activity and restlessness. They are characterized by concrete thinking, imitation and high emotionality. They cannot concentrate attention for a long time; their main activity is gaming.

Kids have little experience of collective relationships, so conflicts between children are possible related to this. At the same time, children of this age develop the ability to compare and contrast what they observe, which leaves an imprint on their attitudes towards the actions of their comrades. It is this new formation - a critical attitude towards the actions of other children - that is the main cause of conflicts among children of this age. The counselor needs to understand this feature and not allow himself to be drawn into conflicts. The most effective measure in such cases may be the “time-out” method. Instead of getting involved in an argument about who is right and who is wrong, simply acknowledge that there are differences of opinion, but it is up to the guys themselves to resolve these differences. Only great emotional excitement prevents you from doing this rationally. Ask the children to be alone in different rooms, but especially point out that this is not a punishment, it is just a time out, that is, a break, and as soon as they feel better, they can leave the rooms themselves, and, if they want, will discuss this issue on their own, and may never return to it. The time-out method is best explained at a time when there is no conflict yet, then the children will react to it more calmly when you resort to it.

Never tell your child: “Go to your room and think about what you did.” In such a state, the child cannot evaluate his actions; it is foolish to hope that guilt, shame and repentance will force him to behave better. On the contrary, the phrase: “While in the ward, do something to feel better. Read a book, play with toys, sleep” is much more useful.

They are very susceptible to various influences of the external environment, they get tired quickly, this is due to the fact that the heart, lungs and vascular system are somewhat behind in development, the strength of the supporting apparatus is also not yet great, and, therefore, the possibility of its damage is increased. Due to the fact that the leading activity is gaming, it is the game that can come to the aid of the counselor. All activities must be carried out in the form of games

Therefore, in classes with young children, outdoor games should be used as much as possible without special loads, as this corresponds to their age characteristics.

Children of this age often break away from their usual home environment for the first time, part with loved ones, and find themselves in the company of unfamiliar children and adults. They especially need a friendly environment, it is difficult for them to cope with many responsibilities: have time to clean the room, get ready at a certain time in a certain place, eat their portion.

Guys - chiefs from other units - should come to the rescue. First of all, it is necessary to remember that before giving any instructions, explanatory work must be carried out. If the premises are being cleaned, the counselor must personally show how the bed is made, how to arrange things in the bedside table where the closet is located.

Ten years.

10 years is the “golden age” when the child is balanced, easily perceives life, trusting, equal with his parents, and cares little about appearance. He makes contact freely and is very receptive to educational influences. He is very open to everything good and bright, he is a romantic and an enthusiast, self-confident and loves the surrounding nature, ready for mutual understanding and mutual assistance. By the age of ten, some experience of relationships in a group of peers has accumulated,

a ten-year-old child strives to maintain companionship, helps others with assignments, and values loyalty in friendship.

It happens that during the organizational period children will ask to move from one ward to another, this is very good. Having found out the reason for the appeal, you will be able to see that the formation of groups for various interests is underway in the squad: a chamber of football players, a chamber of girls who are passionate about TV series, a chamber of “home” children, etc. Satisfy your child’s requests, it will be beneficial, first of all, you won’t have to sort out conflicts.

However, if a child asks to be transferred to another ward due to ridicule and terror from children, a conversation should be held with everyone and appropriate measures should be taken.

Never ask questions to which you already know the answer. Indeed, in this case, you are asking a question in order to convict the child of something. “Have you cleaned your room?” - you see that he didn’t clean up, why are you asking? At the age of 14-15 years old, you can get a specific answer to such a question: “What don’t you see?” or “Yes, I got out,” and now argue and prove that this is not so. Instead of asking such questions, use the expression I noticed. “I noticed that you haven’t brushed your teeth. Let's do it now." “I noticed that you haven’t cleaned your room, maybe I should call the cleaning service and spend your money on a cleaner?” If your child says, “I did that,” you can respond with, “I made a mistake,” or, “Great, I’d like to see that.”

Alternatives. Where possible, give children the opportunity to choose between at least two acceptable options. Young children need to increase the number of alternatives; as children get older, their choices should increase. For example, you can ask teenagers: “Do you want me to set a curfew for you, or, as they say, we will discuss this issue?”

Transitional age.

The transition from childhood to adulthood lasts from 11 to 21 years, of which the first five years from 11 to 16 are especially important.

The behavior of a teenager is determined, first of all, by marginality (the in-betweenness of his position). Moving from the child's world to the adult's, the teenager does not fully belong to either one or the other.

Eleven years.

11 years - restructuring of the body begins, a large amount of hormones

disrupts psychological balance, the child becomes impulsive, negativism appears, frequent mood swings, quarrels with peers, rebellion against parents. Children of this age are actively developing self-awareness, intelligence, and increasing curiosity. The range of interests becomes wider and more selective. Often younger teenagers cannot immediately determine their inclinations, so they often change hobbies and activities.

At this time, children are looking for a brave personality to emulate, and they themselves dream of exploits.

In the eyes of a teenager, the importance of the team, public opinion, and his comrades’ assessment of his actions and actions increases sharply. He strives to gain authority among them and take a worthy place in the team. Children want to be independent, they just need it. Let's give the kids the opportunity to show this independence. Distribute your responsibilities among the children from the first days of the shift. Entrust them with such tasks as: getting paper and paints and pencils from the caretaker, sports equipment from the physical education teacher, the girls can find out when the squad goes for a medical examination, find out the schedule of clubs in the creativity center, etc.

Young teenagers often conflict not only with peers, but also with adults. There are natural reasons for this - the process of puberty begins. It appears earlier in girls (10-11 years old) and in boys (12-13 years old).

A huge dose of hormones is released into the child’s body, which destabilizes both physiological and psychological development.

There is a feeling of anxiety, increased excitability, depression. Disproportional physical development leads to the emergence of a huge number of complexes and decreased self-esteem. According to research results, it is clear that adolescents tend to evaluate their abilities negatively.

It is incredibly difficult to correspond to the ideal “I” that is formed in a self-consciousness prone to maximalism. Expert estimates say, for example, that the risk of onset of schizophrenia in adolescence is 3 to 4 times higher than throughout the rest of life.

Even completely healthy teenagers are characterized by:

· extreme instability of moods.

· constant fluctuations in self-esteem.

· a sharp change in physical condition and well-being. (Frequent nosebleeds, sharp decrease in hearing and vision)

· vulnerability.

· inappropriate response.

This age is so rich in conflicts and complications that psychologists call it “normal pathology.”

The main problems of this age are usually considered based on three factors:

· communication with peers

· communication with adults

· personal problems related to self-knowledge, self-realization and psychosexual identity.

Khasan B.I., Tyumeneva Yu.A. Features of assignment

social norms for children of different sexes

// Questions of psychology, 1989, No. 1, pp. 32 - 39

FEATURES OF ASSIGNMENT OF SOCIAL NORMS BY CHILDREN OF DIFFERENT SEXES

B.I. HASAN, Y.A. TYUMENEV

Turning to the differences in the socialization of boys and girls, we note that we are not talking about gender-different ways of “influencing on child", and about methods used by the child himself in social formation. What features does a boy have and what features does a girl have, existing in a normative environment 1 . What are the differences in the ways in which norms are assigned, what are the differences in assigned norms, and what are the differences in the functioning of assigned norms depending on the gender and age of the child?

THEORETICAL MODEL OF THE DYNAMICS OF A CHILD'S ATTITUDE TO SOCIAL ORDERS

Our initial position on the socio-archetypal characteristics of the feminine and masculine principles is based on two points. The first is the result of an analysis of ideas and descriptions common in society about the feminine and masculine essence. For example, tenderness, gentleness, cleanliness, loyalty versus harshness, persistence, aggressiveness, mobility. The second point is the result of a survey of middle-aged people, students and schoolchildren. They were asked to complete the sentence: “I am a man/I am a woman because...” (with as many options as possible). In both studies, the results were generally consistent. And although the question of the archetypal is still open, we can nevertheless talk about the opposition masculine - feminine, as the opposition expansion - construction, on the one hand, and cyclicality - reproduction, on the other.

Girl

Basic attributes of the essence of the female psyche - cyclicality and reproduction- are picked up by the nurturing culture and turn into what we are used to calling female character traits: conformity, empathy, tolerance, conservatism, cleanliness, neatness, etc. What is required of a girl during her early (preschool) childhood? Be obedient, careful, tolerant (“you can’t fight - you’re a girl”). Explicitly or implicitly, this is expected by every significant adult in any social institution (in a family or in a kindergarten). In a school setting, these same traits continue to be supported and exploited; just another demander is added - the teacher. The effect of the girl’s readiness for school is created, since her characteristics allow her to easily pass the external, formal

normativity and being accepted by the school. Thus, the transition from preschool to school childhood, which is associated with a change from one normative environment to another, does not bring serious frustrations to the girl. She is in the same accordance with school requirements as before with the norms of the family, kindergarten group, and girlfriends. She does not feel any kind of inadequacy. The norm for her remains something like an environment, familiar and known. The norm is a rule, but not prohibiting, restraining, threatening, but a rule that allows, instructs, provides. To illustrate this point, we used a metaphor diagram (Fig. 1).

Rice. 1

Such a conformal existence within a single normative space (due to the similarity of the requirements of parents, school, and yard) continues for quite a long time, providing the girl with formal school success, support from teachers and acceptance by friends (the latter is caused by the recognition of good academic performance and behavior as signs of a “prosperous girl”).

The first doubts about one’s well-being and correctness arise with the onset of puberty. The very moment of its onset is problematic not so much because it is extended in time, but because there is often a stratification of the biological and social lines of puberty. We would caution against referring solely to biological signs of emerging puberty when describing or explaining a girl's behavioral characteristics. The fact is that the group situation plays an extraordinary role in sexual self-determination. Using the results of our own observations, which are generally consistent with the work of those who have studied the problems of adolescent groups and norms , we can say that the appearance of “pubertal leaders” in a group of girls changes the gender identification situation of the rest of the girls and especially those who have not yet reached puberty (physiological). The transformation of a biological norm, based on secondary sexual characteristics, into a social norm, into a requirement of a group as female, entails the emergence of sexual aspects in self-perception and behavior even among those girls who do not yet have physiological grounds for this. Having stipulated this kind of discrepancy, below, by puberty, in the broad sense of the word, we will mean, first of all, characteristic changes in the gender identification situation, regardless of the presence of physiological grounds.

The development of secondary sexual characteristics and the onset of sexually charged behavior are met with indifference or open repression from the school. The girl's behavior now depends very much on the boys' acceptance and approval, and not on her previous assessments of her as a "good girl." It becomes clear to her

that "good behavior" in class and the "student's" appearance do not contribute to her success, and that academic performance and competition are aggressive and unfeminine. The separation of the “feminine self” and school normativity looks like a tough confrontation for her. Having fixed this contradiction, which is a condition for the emergence of a mass of conflicts, let us turn to the development of boys within the school system and outside it.

Boy

Those masculine traits that are commonly designated in culture as activity, aggressiveness, dynamism, competitiveness, etc. boil down to two semantic grounds - expansion and construction. In their extremely open and uncontrollable form, they are dangerous for the status quo of culture, which requires a significant degree of reproducibility, conservatism, and constancy. In their particular manifestations, they are simply not convenient for an adult. Therefore, at a very early age, a boy finds himself in a situation of support and containment at the same time: on the one hand, aggression is encouraged by adults as activity and competition (“fight back,” “let’s see who’s stronger”), and on the other hand, these same adults, but in other situations, obedience and passivity are expected (“sit quietly”, “don’t meddle where you’re not asked”). With the transition to school, this duality becomes very acute. The formal reality of school, and it is with it, and not with the content of learning, that the child first of all faces, looks to the boy like endless options for limiting rules and norms of behavior. His stay in the world can be depicted with the following metaphor diagram (Fig. 2).

Rice. 2

Unlike the girl, the boy was not and is not in “compliance.” Collisions with the normativity of the school system actually force the boy to resolve the contradictions between its requirements and his own spontaneity. Norms for him are tangible and clearly stated. He constantly crosses the boundaries of spaces, boundaries that represent various regulatory requirements (lesson, recess, yard, house). He defends his behavior at these “transitions.” Therefore, the stormy beginning and course of puberty, which seems to provoke increased confrontation with the adult world, turn out to be not so conflicting, since they are prepared and prevented by long-term experience of normative experimentation. At the same age, so-called teenage homogeneous groups appear, with serious differences in their functioning. And it is in the light of this reasoning that these differences acquire a special meaning. An expanded structure of a boy group with clearly defined roles,

prescribed rules of behavior and protected values, in contrast to groups of pairs of girls , represents result and method resolving many constant contradictions between demands that constantly keep the boy in a specific tension. Such groups are a space of created normativity, an indicator of the ability to deal with the norm and how to ban, and how with regulator relations, an indicator of its development. For a boy, therefore, puberty does not entail a total confrontation between social norms and increased activity, as we recorded in the situation with girls.

Comparative results in normative formation

Thus, the position of girls and boys in relation to norms in the post-pubertal period is completely different. The boy experiences norms as flexible conditional obstacles, as a real way of existing in the world. It has all the conditions of "heteronomous" experience , all the accumulated material of such a conflict is at his disposal. The internalization of normativity that has naturally occurred allows him to now avoid frustrations and adequately meet the requirements of school reality. For a girl, normativity turns out to be an undifferentiated, total frustration. She suddenly finds herself snatched from a single “smooth” normative space by a flurry of puberty, with its value of sexual success, contrary to all previous values (although the latter continue to be stubbornly supported and imposed on the girl by adults). The girl finds herself in the same crisis that the boy was in at the start of his school life. But the situation for her is aggravated by the fact that she does not have time for normative experimentation - childhood as a period when risks are tolerated and the results of “experiments” are forgiven, such time is ending.

HYPOTHESIS

We assume that boys go through the following sequence of attitudes toward norms: from opposition, through normative experimentation, to using norms as their own resource in resolving conflicts; girls, on the other hand, go from imaginary autonomy (masking conformity, tolerance, etc.) to anomie, to a situation of opposition to normative requirements that are not appropriated and frustrating, and all normative experimentation is transferred for them to the very end of school age, when almost no one not ready - neither the parents, nor the teachers, nor the girls themselves.

Thus, the hypothesis in general looks like this: the dynamics of normative formation in groups of different sexes is in a reciprocal relationship.

METHOD

As a basis for the methodological procedure, we took the “Three Planets” test (J. Schwantzar), which in a modified version is as follows. The child is asked to imagine a certain world (planet, city, time, etc.), where not a single norm, not a single general rule, not a single law exists. It is necessary to describe several scenes from the life of people in this world. The child is then asked to imagine another world, this time one where for every

action, each action had its own rule, its own law, its own special norm. It is necessary to describe again several situations from the lives of people in this second world. After this, they are asked to choose one of these two worlds that is most suitable for their life.

The study was conducted in groups, separated by gender and age. Children gave written descriptions of situations. There was no time limit for work.

METHODOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

What is this procedure in terms of our model and research goals? First of all, the child’s construction of normative relations was based, of course, on the projection of his own experience of norms. Ultimately, what was important was not what norms were significant and conflict-provoking for the child, although this, of course, is important. The main thing was the moment relationship child to normative requirements: is the norm only a limiting factor for him, or is it also experienced as a regulator of life?

Responses were assessed according to the following criteria:

1) "punishability": the norm was described by the child as something the violation of which entails punishment. Moreover, punishment is not necessarily and is even rarely associated in meaning with the offense itself. It is important in itself and is apparently experienced as an attributive characteristic of the norm;

2) "restriction of freedom": the norm was perceived as something that restrains impulsive behavior (in younger adolescents it often overlaps with antisocial actions), and therefore the absence of a norm inevitably leads to unrest and death. Or norms only bring monotony and boredom. Despite the child’s recognition of the need for norming, the answers according to this criterion they fall into the first group precisely because of the exclusively restraining function of norms;

3) "s self-regulation": the absence of norms is not associated with antisociality or punishment, but is bad in itself due to the unpredictability of the consequences of actions or the appearance of inconveniences in familiar life situations. Or the norm was introduced as obviously stupid, and the emphasis was placed precisely on its inadequacy, uselessness, violation of elementary amenities.

As a result, we received two groups of answers: 1) answers that fit the first and/or second criterion, 2) answers that fit the third criterion. The answers were also grouped by emotional acceptance—non-acceptance of a “world without norms.”

TEST SUBJECTS

Two age groups of children were studied: 12 years old (21 girls, 20 boys) and 15 years old (22 girls, 20 boys), i.e. adolescents at the beginning and end of puberty, which corresponded to the middle and end of high school. According to the hypothesis, children of these age groups should have exhibited both age- and sex-typical characteristics.

RESULTS

The summary results of the study regarding the attitude to the norm either as a prohibition-restriction, or as a means-regulator, are presented in Table. 12.

Table 1

Attitude towards the norm as a ban, %

table 2

Attitude towards the norm as a regulator, %

The results regarding the preference for the “anormative”/“hypernormative” world are presented in

table 3. We show results only for the “abnormal” world, since there were only two choices and, therefore, data on the preference for “hypernormativity” can be easily calculated from 100%.

Table 3

Results regarding preference for the “annormative”/“hypernormative” world, %

DISCUSSION

Teenagers 12 years old

In the younger group of adolescents, girls demonstrate more frequent regulatory responses than boys (48 versus 25%) and tend to prefer a “hypernormative” environment (79%), unlike boys - none of them chose a “hypernormative” world. This is apparently caused by boys’ more severe opposition to the normative world of adults. They directly connect the norm and the limiting influence of an adult. Therefore, to describe the “abormative” world, boys use their own impulsive behavior, taken to the extreme (answers like “no one studies at school,” “dirt everywhere,” “constant fights and murders”). Girls are more tolerant of the influence of adults (which is combined with our assumption that the nature of a girl’s existence “complies” with normative requirements), and it is easier for them to adapt to them (only 21% of choices of the “non-normative” world as preferable). Girls are less likely to use “punishment” as a consequence of violating the norm - they tend to explain the need for norming by people’s desire for convenience (“garbage should not be thrown out the window, because then cars will not be able to pass”).

Answers emphasizing the regulatory function of norms do not differ between boys and girls. Both are distinguished by their humorous character and hyperbolic absurdity of situations. For example: “chairs with five legs, on which it is impossible to sit” (situation from the “abormative” world), “in order for people to move aside, you need to step on everyone’s feet” (situation from the “hypernormative” world).

Teenagers 15 years old

In the older group of teenagers the situation changes radically. Girls are characterized by a decrease in the number of “regulatory” responses

(from 48 to 18%) and an increase in elections with preferences for the “abormative” world (from 21 to 50%). For boys, the picture is opposite: the number of answers with “regulatory” norms increases (from 25 to 91%) and the choice of the “hypernormative” world as preferable to the “annormative” one becomes more frequent (from 0 to 91%).

The answers differ in this age group and qualitatively (between genders). The boys describe both this and the other “world” from the point of view of the violation of precisely the regulatory mechanism, the regulatory purpose of norms (“there is no government”, “there is no need for culture then” - in an “abormative city”; “people forget laws and do nothing but that these laws teach you all your life"). Often, in the very descriptions of “lawlessness,” certain normative (law-conforming) constructions appear: “the city lives by the right of the strong,” “any person who is not a member of a mafia group is a corpse.” Boys often exhibit “trans-situational activity”, acting in fictional cities (especially in “abormative” situations) and regulating or making assumptions about ways to regulate “lawlessness”; they also often express confidence in the impossibility of the existence of such cities, since it “contradicts any kind of society.”

Girls are not characterized by any of these phenomena; their answers do not differ from the answers of younger girls in terms of their attitude to norms (“people don’t take off their shoes when entering an apartment, don’t say hello”). The justifications for the preference for “anorativity” look, on the one hand, like some kind of negativism (“I can’t stand norms and rules”), and on the other, infantile (“living by the rules is boring, but living without rules is fun”).

To more clearly demonstrate the identified dynamics, we depict it in Fig. 3.

CONCLUSIONS

Thus, the assumption about the reciprocal nature of the dynamics of normative formation in different-sex groups of adolescents can be considered confirmed. What does this mean for an educator or designer of a teenage school from the point of view of gender-differentiated education? Firstly, fundamental differences in the experience of normativity by children of different sexes also relate to differences in their work with subject (educational) material, since an attribute of any subject area is its specific normativity. This means that when targeting education, it is necessary to take into account the gender-deterministic features of a child’s mastery of subject material from the point of view of precisely mastering its normative side. Secondly, any educational impact must correspond to a certain sensitive period regarding the identified inter-gender diachrony in the assimilation of norms and regarding, apparently, the different degrees of significance of individual norms for boys and girls. And thirdly, most importantly. Since normativity itself is one of the key moments of self-determination, we are talking primarily about the child’s resolution of the problem of identification as a whole. Moreover, the problem of identity - the problem of self-determination - is among the vital orientations of a person. A lot of unproductive conflicts occur because a person cannot determine his own resources; Using a resource that does not correspond to the situation, he reduces it instead of increasing it. For self-determination, the child must be presented with his resource even when he is just entering the educational process. Otherwise, the imposition of certain forms of existence without considering their adequacy to gender and age obviously limits, frustrates and causes all sorts of destruction of the child’s personality.

And in conclusion, I would like to mention exceptions and limitations in connection with the identified dependencies. Since in pedagogical practice it is necessary to take into account not only gender and age, but, first of all, the individual characteristics of the child’s attitude to social norms, it is important to stipulate the presence of variations that we have identified. What is the nature and significance of these deviations is a question that goes beyond the scope of this work and requires additional reflection and special research, however, just like the prospects noted above in working with adolescents.

1. Gessen S.I. Fundamentals of pedagogy. Berlin, 1923.

2. Kle M. Psychology of a teenager. M., 1991.

3. Kon I.S. Psychology of early adolescence. M., 1989.

Received by the editors on September 21, 1995.

1 By “normativity” we mean: firstly, a system of norms that are an attribute of any social relations in which a child exists, and in this sense - a normative environment; secondly, a system of norms directly addressed to the child as requirements. We will consider further the system of norms that have already turned into the child’s personal qualities, personal normativity.