Great ideas, complex character: what role did Chancellor Alexander Gorchakov play in the history of Russia. Resolution of the Polish crisis

Years of life: 1798-1883

From the biography:

• Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was for 26 years Minister of Foreign Affairs - from 1856 to 1882
• This is the last chancellor of the Russian Empire (since 1876). The Chancellor is the highest rank of civil servant.
• He studied at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, studied together with A.S. Pushkin. He graduated from the Lyceum with a gold medal and was appointed to serve in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
• An educated man who knows several foreign languages, from his youth he already possessed the qualities necessary for a diplomat: eloquence, the ability to conduct a dialogue with people on equal terms, and defend his positions.
• Worked in embassies in Berlin, Rome, London, Vienna.
• He was appointed head of the Russian foreign policy department at a difficult time - Russia lost in the Crimean War, the international authority of the state fell sharply.
• From 1856-1882 - Minister of Foreign Affairs
• Since 1882 - retired

Activities of A.M. Gorchakov as Minister of Foreign Affairs

• The purpose of his policy- protecting Russia’s national interests, increasing the country’s international authority. First of all, this is the repeal of the provisions of the Paris Treaty.
• His motto - “Russia is concentrating!”
• 1870 - achieved a humiliating ban for Russia from having a navy on the Black Sea. Russia received the right to build naval bases here.
• Correctly identified the need to conclude an alliance with France in 1859, during the period of aggressive German policy
• Managed to overcome the Polish crisis
• In 1858, the Treaty of Aigun was signed with China on establishing borders, and in 1860, the Treaty of Beijing, which determined the eastern Russian-Chinese border.
• 1867 - agreement with Japan on the peaceful resolution of the conflict over Sakhalin. It was declared "joint ownership".
• The agreement on the sale of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands to the United States in 1867 was negative.
• Conducted diplomatic reform a service that not only survived until 1917, but also forms the basis of diplomacy to this day.
• A. Gorchakov's popularity and authority declined sharply after he took an uncertain position during the war with Turkey in 1877-1878 and after the unsuccessful Berlin Congress, when Russia lost almost everything it had won during this war. A. Gorchakov initially understood that Russia was not ready for war.

The main provisions of the diplomatic reform of A.M. Gorchakov

“They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but focused »

(The famous phrase of A.M. Gorchakov).

• The main provisions of the reforms were set out in his report to the emperor and in a circular dated August 21, 1856 "Russia is concentrating", sent throughout Europe
• Russia will always follow the course of diplomatic relations with countries.
• Russia will never be unfair to any country
• Russia refrains from active interference in the affairs of other states
• Russia does not intend to sacrifice its national interests to maintain the principles of the Holy Alliance
• Russia considers itself free to choose future friends
• Respect own interests, multi-vector foreign policy, including the readiness to conduct dialogue with any country in any region on an equal, mutually respectful basis - these are the basic principles that should underlie foreign policy
• The diplomatic department, according to A. Gorchakov, should employ people who can protect the interests of Russia. It was necessary to have knowledge of two foreign languages ​​and a diploma of higher education.
• Internal tests were introduced for those aspiring to the diplomatic service.
• Systematization of military archives was carried out. Scientists were allowed to visit them for research. This was the first time in Russia.

Thus. A.M. Gorchakov was an outstanding statesman and a brilliant diplomat. He experienced the burden of fame and experienced the envy of his ill-wishers. He was a true patriot of countries, distinguished by his enormous capacity for work, knowledge of the diplomatic intricacies of his work, courage, self-control, and firmness in defending the interests of Russia.

His contribution was appreciated by his contemporaries; his experience in diplomacy was also modern leadership Russia. Thus, one of V.V. Putin’s articles in 2012 was entitled: “Russia is concentrating - the challenges that we must respond to.” And October 13 2014 year, as part of the celebration of the 70th anniversary of MGIMO, a monument to the diplomat was unveiled. Sculptor - Ivan Charapkin.

Material for a historical essay

(1855-1881) Area of ​​activity:

Reasons:

• A sharp decline in Russia's authority due to defeat in the Crimean War
• Unsuccessful diplomatic policy that led to temporary isolation of Russia

Consequence:

• Increasing the international authority of Russia in connection with its strengthening military power, reforms in the army
• The victory of Russian diplomacy in decisions related to the denunciation of the provisions of the Paris Peace Treaty, the establishment of diplomatic relations with many countries, including France and the United States.

Great merit is due to the successful foreign policy of the reign of Alexander II - A.M.Gorchkova, who headed the foreign department for 26 years, from 1856-1882.

It was the diplomatic talent of this minister, the ability to clearly defend positions, express the national interests of the country, and knowledge of the intricacies of diplomatic negotiations that led to a successful foreign policy. First of all, it should be noted the efforts of A.M. Gorchakov aimed at revising the provisions of the Treaty of Paris of 1856. Russia was returned the right to have a navy and bases on the Black Sea. This did not happen as a result of the war, but thanks to diplomatic negotiations led by A. Gorchakov.

During the period of A. Gorchakov’s activity, Russia signed agreements with China on borders, with Japan on joint ownership of Sakhalin, and with France. Unfortunately, there were also negative results in politics. This included the sale of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands to the United States in 1867, and the unsuccessful Congress of Berlin after the war with Turkey of 1877-1878.

However, in general, it was largely the activities of A.M. Gorchakov as Minister of Foreign Affairs that Russia was able to solve the most important foreign policy problems.

This material can be used in preparation for task No. 25.

Material prepared by: Melnikova Vera Aleksandrovna

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire under Alexander the Second (1855-1881), thanks to whose abilities and diplomatic talent Russia managed to get rid of the humiliating terms of the treaty concluded after Crimean War(1853-1856), without a single loss. His achievements also include the implementation of diplomatic reform. He was the last to hold the post of chancellor in the Russian Empire.

Alexander Mikhailovich came from the princely family of the Gorchakovs. His father was a major general, and his mother a baroness, the widow of the Saxon envoy to St. Petersburg.

Education

Young Gorchakov received his education at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, founded in 1810, where he met Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin (1799-1837). Here, constantly surrounded by the children of great nobles, the young man developed in himself all the necessary qualities of an international diplomat: politeness, composure, wit, initiative; learned foreign languages, and also learned to write beautifully, which in the future will help him more than once when writing famous diplomatic notes.

Start of a career

Since 1820, a young graduate has had the opportunity to take part in the role of assistant at the congresses of the Holy Alliance (1815) in Troppau (1820), Ljubljana (1821) and Verona (1822).

From 1822 to 1827 he served as secretary at the Russian Embassy in London. He was then transferred to the Roman embassy in the same role, but soon, in 1828, he became a counselor at the embassy in Berlin, and in 1833 he moved to Vienna after working in Florence.

The young diplomat's turbulent career was interrupted due to a marriage concluded in 1838.

Service in the German kingdoms

The return to service took place in 1839. Gorchakov became ambassador extraordinary in Stuttgart in 1841, where he remained for twelve years. In 1850 he moved to Frankfurt.

While in Germany, Alexander Mikhailovich studied the politics of this country, and also met Chancellor Otto von Bismarck.

Crimean War (1853-1856)

In 1854, the German specialist was transferred to Vienna, where he took the post of envoy to the Austrian court.

Gorchakov was instructed to obtain Austrian support against Great Britain, France, Ottoman Empire in the Crimean War, but the Habsburgs refused to join the alliance, despite the earlier assistance provided in suppressing the uprising on their territory. Moreover, the Russian ambassador had to show all his diplomatic talent to dissuade Vienna from joining the side of London, Istanbul and Paris.

After the Peace of Paris (1856)

After the Paris Peace Agreement, Russia ceased to take an active part in European politics.

Count Nesselrode retired, and Alexander Mikhailovich took his place.

He was faced with two tasks: to take revenge on Austria for its betrayal and to achieve the annulment of the humiliating conditions of the Paris Route, the most painful of which was the withdrawal of the military fleet from the Black Sea.

Alliance with Otto von Bismarck

Since 1859, the Prussian envoy in St. Petersburg was Otto von Bismarck. Relations between the two diplomatic politicians became better, which strengthened the allied relations between Russia and Prussia.

In 1862, Bismarck became head of Prussia.

Having achieved the neutrality of the Russian Empire, Prussia began a war against France in 1871, from which the German kingdom emerged victorious, inflicting a strong defeat on Napoleon III.

The newly formed German Empire was in debt to Russia, and France was defeated, allowing Gorchakov to write a note declaring that Russia no longer saw the need to comply with the terms of the Treaty of Paris.

At the London Conference of 1871, this note was adopted.

Triple Alliance

After the London Congress and the Franco-Prussian War, Bismarck no longer needed Russian support, so he created the Triple Alliance in 1872, which included three empires: Russian, Austrian and German. Russia this union was disadvantageous, since she had to respect the interests of Vienna, with which she was a rival in the Balkans.

The Triple Alliance is doomed to failure. Its final collapse occurred after the Berlin Congress, at which the provisions of the Peace of San Stefano after the Russian-Turkish War (1877-1878) were greatly changed, not for the better for Russia.

End of career

After the Berlin Treaty, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov stopped his political career, greatly experiencing this failure.

Even after his retirement, he retained the title of chancellor. Many contemporaries expressed their respect to him for achieving the goals necessary for Russia without losses, purely thanks to his diplomatic abilities and a clear understanding of the balance of power in geopolitics. Historians single him out as the most successful diplomat in the entire history of our country.

02/27/1883 (03/12/2018). – Diplomat Prince died. A.M.Gorchakov

Gorchakov and Russian politics in Europe

(4.6.1798–27.2.1883) - His Serene Highness Prince, Minister of Foreign Affairs and State Chancellor of Russia, came from a family. Born on June 4, 1798 in the family of a major general. He studied at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum and was a classmate. In 1817 he entered the diplomatic service and took part in the work of congresses. In 1824 he was appointed first secretary at the Russian embassy in London, in 1827 he was transferred to the same position in Rome, then served in the embassies in Berlin, Florence and Vienna. All this allowed him to thoroughly study all the behind-the-scenes springs international politics in Europe.

His fate was especially connected with Germany, which at that time consisted of many small monarchies. In 1841 he was sent to Stuttgart to arrange a marriage Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna with crown prince Württemberg, and after the marriage he remained envoy extraordinary there for twelve years. From the end of 1850, he also served as envoy extraordinary to the German Confederation in Frankfurt am Main (until 1854); made efforts to strengthen Russian influence in the German states connected with Russia by dynastic ties; during this period he became close to O. Bismarck, the Prussian representative to the German Confederation, which later played an important role for both countries. In 1854, at the Vienna Conference, Gorchakov managed to prevent Austria from entering the war on the side of Russia's opponents.

After Russia's humiliating defeat in March 1856, the era of Russia's active participation in Western European political affairs. It was at this moment in April 1856 that Gorchakov headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, replacing K. Nesselrode, who had ruled there for 40 years. He had a reputation as a man who cared little about the interests of Russia and did not hide his pro-Austrian sympathies. During his time, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs employed many foreigners who were also of little interest in the fate of Russia. Nesselrode valued above all the consent of the monarchs of Europe, when the interests of an individual country were subordinated to common objectives.

Gorchakov not only replaced him, but also decisively changed this “internationalist” policy to a distinctly Russian one throughout his 25-year leadership of the Foreign Ministry. In the famous circular to Russian ambassadors in European capitals dated August 21, 1856, Gorchakov formulated the basic principle of the new political course for the first time as “Russia is concentrating.” This meant that she was only temporarily abandoning her previous active role and traditional politics while recovering from the losses she had suffered. At the same time, A. M. Gorchakov stated that Russia would no longer sacrifice its interests for the sake of selfish goals alien to it. Gorchakov intended to strengthen the Christian legal foundations international relations: “It is less permissible than ever before in Europe to forget that rulers are equal among themselves and that it is not the size of territories, but the sanctity of the rights of each of them that lies at the basis of the relationships that can exist between them.”

The main task of Russian foreign policy in that period was the struggle for the revision and abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Peace Treaty, which consolidated the results of the Crimean War, which was unsuccessful for Russia (neutralization of the Black Sea and the ban on Russia from maintaining the Black Sea Navy). Gorchakov managed to achieve this by playing on the contradictions of the European powers.

After Napoleon III’s attempt to use it to the detriment of Russia’s interests, Gorchakov began a rapprochement with Prussia, whose government was headed by Bismarck and relations with which became the most friendly in the entire Russian-German history. Prussia supported Russia in the fight against the Polish uprising. In exchange for Russia's promise not to interfere with the unification of Germany under Prussian supremacy (otherwise this would not have happened), Bismarck pledged to assist in revising the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty. The defeat of France by Prussia with diplomatic assistance from Russia allowed Bismarck to proclaim a united German Empire (led by the Prussian Kaiser Wilhelm I) on January 18, 1871, and Gorchakov to announce the abandonment of the restrictions of the Treaty of Paris (Russia's rights in the Black Sea were restored at the London Conference) . The highest stage there was a political rapprochement between Russia and Germany and Austria-Hungary (1873), and if it had turned out to be strong, the Jewish bankers would not have been able to provoke it. But united Germany decided that it no longer needed Russia.

Another important direction of Gorchakov's policy was the protection of Christian peoples from the Turks in the Balkans. Gorchakov managed to ensure the neutrality of the European powers during the successes of the Russian troops led to the conclusion. However, at the Berlin Congress (June-July 1878) he had to, despite the victory of Russian weapons and the achievement of independence from Turkey of the Balkan states, make serious concessions in the face of a united front of Western powers, including already unfriendly Germany, in particular, agree to the occupation of Austria -Hungary Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Diplomatic successes and the growth of Russia’s international authority strengthened A.M.’s position. Gorchakov in the ruling circles of the Empire. In 1862 he became a member of the State Council and vice-chancellor, and in 1867 - chancellor. wrote about Gorchakov: “Standing guard of Russian honor and Russian interests..., you not only managed to restore the proper importance of Russia among the great European Powers, but also achieved, without sacrifices or bloodshed, the abolition of the embarrassing consequences of the difficult Crimean War for us.” The Emperor noted the “patriotism of a loyal and devoted employee to the true interests of Russia,” who “with complete triumph brought our dear fatherland out of the difficulties generated by the claims of foreign cabinets to interfere in our internal affairs.” The monarch especially noted the active participation that Gorchakov took “in the great cause of the revival of Christian peoples on the Balkan Peninsula.”

Since 1879, Gorchakov retired due to illness, and in 1882 he retired. During his service, he was awarded all the highest Russian orders and many foreign awards, and was also awarded the title of His Serene Highness Prince (1871). He died on February 27, 1883 in Baden-Baden, and was buried in St. Petersburg. He left a memory of himself as outstanding diplomat, which not only managed to lead the state out of a difficult foreign policy situation, but also laid the foundations of Russian national foreign policy.

Good goals are never achieved through secret intrigues.

With great care you can protect yourself from the anger of people, but how can you save yourself from their stupidity?

La Russie bonde, dit-on. La Russie ne bonde pas. La Russie se recueille.

They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, Russia is gathering strength.

A. M. Gorchakov

Alexander Radevich Andreev was born in 1957 in Siberia, graduated from the Moscow Historical and Archival Institute in 1979, member of the Russian Historical Society, member of the Union of Journalists of Russia. Author of the monographs “History of Crimea”, “Battle of Molodino 1572”, “Prince Dolgorukov-Crimean”, “Prince Yaroslav Pereyaslavsky”, “Prince Dovmont of Pskov”, “History of the Jesuit Order”, “History of the Order of Malta”, “Genius of France. Cardinal Richelieu."

Documents and materials

GORCHAKOV, princely family of Rurikovich. In the 17th century, their descendants began to be called the Gorchakovs. From the children of the steward (since 1692) Fyodor Petrovich Gorchakov, the family was divided into two branches. His grandson, Ivan Romanovich Gorchakov, lieutenant general, was married to A.V. Suvorov’s sister Anna (1744–1813); their sons: Alexey Ivanovich Gorchakov (1769–1817), infantry general (1814); Andrei Ivanovich Gorchakov (1779–1855), infantry general (1814).

The descendants of another son of Fyodor Petrovich Gorchakov, Ivan, became widely famous, whose great-grandson A. M. Gorchakov was awarded the title of His Serene Highness in 1871. His son Mikhail Aleksandrovich Gorchakov (1839–1897), Privy Councilor (1879), envoy in Bern (Switzerland) in 1872–1878, in Dresden (Saxony) in 1878-79, in Madrid (Spain) in 1879-96.

GORCHAKOV ALEXANDER MIKHAILOVICH (June 4, 1798, Gapsal, Estland province - February 27, 1883, Baden-Baden, Germany), statesman, diplomat, Minister of Foreign Affairs (1856), State Chancellor (1867), honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1856), His Serene Highness prince (1871). From the ancient princely family of the Gorchakovs. Graduated Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum(1817), classmate of A. S. Pushkin. Served in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1820–1822, secretary K.V. Nesselrode attended the congresses of the “Holy Alliance” in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. Since 1822, secretary, since 1824, 1st secretary of the embassy in London, then chargé d'affaires, 1st secretary of the mission in Rome, since 1828, counselor of the embassy in Berlin, chargé d'affaires in Florence. In 1828–1833, envoy to Tuscany, from 1833 1st counselor at the embassy in Vienna. In 1841–1855, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Stuttgart (Württemberg), at the same time in 1850–1854 – during the German Confederation. In 1854–1856 he was envoy extraordinary to Vienna. At the Vienna Conference of Ambassadors in 1854, as a result of negotiations, he prevented Austria from entering the Crimean War of 1853–1856 on the side of France. Since April 1856, Minister of Foreign Affairs, at the same time since 1862, member State Council. Gorchakov's policy was aimed at eliminating the provisions of the Paris Peace of 1856. In 1856, he avoided participating in diplomatic measures against the Neapolitan government, citing the principle of non-interference in the affairs of other states (circular note 10.9.1856), indicating that Russia did not renounce the right to vote in international negotiations, regarding the Italian crisis of 1859 (preceded revolution of 1859–1860) proposed convening a congress to peacefully resolve the issue, and when war between Piedmont, France and Austria became inevitable, he took measures to prevent small German states join the politics of Austria; insisted on the purely defensive nature of the German alliance (note 15.5.1859). At the initiative of Gorchakov, a Russian-French movement emerged, which began with the meeting of the two emperors in Stuttgart in 1857. In 1860, Gorchakov advocated a revision of the articles of the Paris Peace of 1856 on the situation of Christians subject to Turkey, proposing to convene a conference on this issue (note 8.5.1820). In a note of September 28, 1860, deviating from the principle of non-intervention (announced by the notes of 1856–1859), he condemned the policy of the Sardinian government in Italy. The Russian-French alliance, which collapsed in 1862, was replaced by an alliance with Prussia; On February 8, 1863, he concluded a military convention with Prussia, which made it easier for the Russian government to fight the Polish uprising of 1863–1864. Blocked the proposal of the Emperor of France Napoleon III (October 1863) about international congress(on questions Central Europe). As a result of Gorchakov's policy, Russia remained neutral in Prussia's wars with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866), and France (1870–1871). The defeat of France made it possible for Gorchakov to announce Russia’s rejection of the 2nd Article of the Paris Peace of 1856 on the neutralization of the Black Sea and to achieve recognition of this by the powers at the international conference in 1871. Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors” (1873), trying to use it to prepare for war with Turkey (Reichstadt Agreement of 1876, Russian-Austrian Convention of 1877). Opposing the excessive strengthening of Germany, the circular of 1875 prevented a secondary defeat of France. During Russian-Turkish war 1877–1878 played a significant role in ensuring the neutrality of the European powers. The successes of the Russian troops led to the conclusion of the Peace of San Stefano in 1878, which provoked protest from Austria-Hungary and Great Britain. In the face of the threat of creating an anti-Russian coalition, he agreed to hold the Berlin Congress of 1878, at which he spoke out for the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary. He cared primarily about the consent of the powers, about the interests of Europe, while insisting on Russia’s exclusive right to promote and protect its national interests. He was among the first in Russia to appreciate the importance of American and African factors in Russia’s European policy. Firmly refused to participate in the intervention of European powers in civil war in the USA in 1862, supported the northerners, laying the foundations for friendly relations with the USA. In a number of cases, Gorchakov was opposed by N.P. Ignatiev and P.A. Shuvalov (Russian ambassadors - A.A.), who sometimes pursued essentially independent policies that diverged from Gorchakov’s position.

Gorchakov skillfully got out of difficult situations more than once. His famous “phrases”, his brilliant circulars and notes created his fame in Europe.

Gorchakov maintained personal friendly ties with prominent foreign political figures (including Otto von Bismarck), and was friends with the prominent Turkish figure Fuad Ali Pasha, which had a beneficial effect on relations between Russia and Turkey in 1856–1871. In 1879, Gorchakov actually retired for health reasons, and since March 1882 he has been retired.

CIRCULAR GORCHAKOV, the names of diplomatic documents associated with the name of the Minister of Foreign Affairs A. M. Gorchakov, accepted in the literature. The most famous are the following.

Circular of 1870, sent on October 19 to Russian diplomatic representatives in Great Britain, France, Austria-Hungary, Italy and Turkey. Notified the governments of the states that signed the Paris Peace of 1856 that Russia does not consider itself bound by regulations limiting its sovereign rights in the Black Sea (prohibition to keep a navy there or build fortifications). The circulars noted that the Russian government strictly complied with the articles of the Paris Peace, while other powers repeatedly violated it. To the Turkish Sultan The Russian government announced the annulment of the additional convention that determined the number and size of warships on the Black Sea. The circular displeased a number of European governments, but Gorchakov sent it out at a time when France was suffering a heavy defeat in the war with Prussia, but peace had not yet been concluded, and the latter was interested in Russia's neutrality. In 1871, at a conference of powers in London, a convention was signed that confirmed Russia’s sovereign rights in the Black Sea.

The 1875 Circular is a telegram sent to embassies and missions in May. It announced the elimination of the threat of a new war that Germany intended to start against France. France turned to Britain and Russia in April asking for diplomatic support. Emperor Alexander II and Gorchakov, who arrived in Berlin on April 28, 1875, put pressure on the German Kaiser and obtained assurances that Germany would not attack France. Before leaving Berlin, Gorchakov sent out an encrypted telegram: “The Emperor is leaving Berlin, confident in the peaceful intentions prevailing here. Peace is guaranteed." The circular, published by European newspapers, increased Russia's prestige in Europe and prevented a secondary defeat of France.

Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron. St. Petersburg, 1896.

Great Soviet Encyclopedia. M, 1933, 1972.

Soviet Historical Encyclopedia. M, 1964.

Domestic history. Encyclopedia. M, 1994.

Chapter I. Lyceum student and diplomat. 1798–1853

The last chancellor of the Russian Empire, Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, was born on June 4, 1798 in the town of Gapsal, located in the Estonian province. His father is Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov, his mother is Elena-Dorothea Vasilievna Ferzen, daughter of Baron Ferzen, a lieutenant colonel in the Russian service. The Gorchakovs - “princes of Gorchaks” - descended from the Rurikovichs - princes of Chernigov. “Occupation of the highest positions in the public service became, as it were, hereditary in the family of the Gorchakov princes, and its representatives owed this not only to their family ties, but also to his outstanding abilities” (1).

In the book “Noble families included in the General Armorial Book” compiled by Prince A. Bobrinsky, All Russian Empire", published in 1890 in St. Petersburg, is written about the Gorchakov family:

“The offspring of Rurik – No. 9.

Princes Gorchakov.

The family of the princes of Gorchakov comes from the princes of the Chernihiv: in the genealogy of the princes of Chernihiv, who is in velvet and other genealogies, it was shown that the son of the Russian Grand Duke Vladimir Svyatoslavich, who baptized the Russian land, Grand Duke Yaroslav Vladimirovich put his son Svyatoslav Yaroslavich on Chernigov, and from from Chernigov, and from The princes of Chernigov went to him. The great-grandson of this Prince, Grand Duke Mikhail Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, had a son, Prince Mstislav Karachevsky, and he had a grandson, Prince Ivan Kozelsky, from whom the Gorchak Princes descended. Prince Ivan Fedorovich Peremyshlsky-Gorchakov was granted the city of Karachev by Grand Duke Ivan Vasilyevich in 1539. Prince Peter Ivanovich Gorchakov in 1570 was written among the children of the boyars. Likewise, many other Princes Gorchakovs of this family Russian throne They served as okolniks, stewards and in other noble ranks, and were granted estates and other honors and signs of Royal favors from the Sovereigns. All this is proven beyond Russian history, the Velvet Book, a certificate from the Rank Archive and the genealogy of the Gorchakov princes, indicated in the genealogy book sent from the Moscow Noble Family.

Extract from the Genealogical Book of Prince Dolgoruky, I, 61.

Tribe I. Grand Duke Rurik, d. in 879.

Knee II. Grand Duke Igor Rurikovich, died in 945.

Knee III. Grand Duke Svyatoslav Igorevich, died in 972.

Knee IV. Grand Duke Saint Vladimir Svyatoslavich, died in 1015.

Knee V. Grand Duke Yaroslav Vladimirovich the Great, died in 1054.

Knee VI. Prince Svyatoslav Yaroslavich of Chernigov, died in 1076.

Knee VII. Prince Oleg Svyatoslavich of Chernigov, died in 1115.

Knee VIII. Prince Vsevolod Olgovich of Chernigov, died in 1146.

Knee IX. Prince Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, died in 1194.

Knee X. Prince Vsevolod Chermny Svyatoslavich of Chernigov, died in 1215.

Knee XI. Holy Prince Mikhail Vsevolodovich of Chernigov, died in 1246.

Knee XII. Prince Mstislav Mikhailovich Karachevsky.

Knee XIII. Prince Titus Mstislavich Karachevsky and Kozelsky.

Knee XIV. Prince Ivan Titovich Kozelsky.

Knee XV. Prince Roman Ivanovich Kozelsky and Przemysl (Przemysl, Kaluga region)

Knee XVI. Prince Andrei Romanovich Kozelsky and Peremyshlsky.

Knee XVII. Prince Vladimir Andreevich Kozelsky.

Knee XVIII. Prince Semyon Vladimirovich Kozelsky.

Knee XIX. Prince Mikhailo Semenovich Kozelsky.

Knee XX. The Kozelsky princes at the beginning of the 15th century were forced, by force of arms, to join Lithuania, but during the reign of John the Great, Prince Ivan Mikhailovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky left Lithuania for Moscow with his son and grandson. In 1499, he repelled the Cossack attack on the Principality of Kozelskoye, and in 1503, John the Great sent him to Lithuania with an army to return to him his ancestral possessions occupied by Lithuanian troops.

Knee XXI. Prince Boris Ivanovich Kozelsky and Przemyslsky.

Knee XXII. Prince Fyodor Borisovich Kozelsky and Peremyshlsky-Gorchak (by his nickname and his descendants are written as princes Gorchakov). He was governor in Karachev in 1538, and in Ryazhsk in 1563.”

Prince Alexander, who received an excellent home education after his family moved to Northern capital On July 30, 1811, he graduated from the St. Petersburg gymnasium of Emperor Alexander I. On August 8, 1811, Alexander Gorchakov, who knew English, German and French from childhood, “stood brilliantly” entrance examination and was admitted to the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, equivalent to universities. On September 22, the list of examinees was presented to Emperor Alexander I and on October 19, the Lyceum opened.

“Resolution on the Noble boarding house in the city of Tsarskoye Selo.

About the educational procedure.

For study at the Noble Boarding School, three classes are established, according to the ages of the pupils: junior, middle and senior. Each of these classes completes a three-year cycle of study.

The subjects of the teaching are the following:

1. The Law of God and Sacred History.

2. Logic, psychology and moral teaching.

3. World history, Russian history and statistics.

4. Geography: mathematical, political, general and Russian.

5. Antiquities and mythology.

6. The science of state economy, natural and Roman law.

7. Foundations of private civil law, criminal laws and especially practical Russian jurisprudence.

8. Mathematics (arithmetic, geometry, trigonometry, algebra, mechanics).

9. Military sciences: artillery, fortification.

10. Civil architecture.

11. Brief experimental physics and natural history.

12. Russian language (reading and penmanship, etymology, syntax, syllable).

13. German literature.

14. French literature.

15. Latin literature.

16. English literature. Arts.

17. Drawing.

18. Dancing.

19. Fencing.

20. Training with a gun.

For pupils who want to learn to play the piano or violin, the Boarding House has its own instruments; but a special amount must be contributed to pay music teachers, since music education is not included in the boarding school’s teaching plan.

The teaching continues daily for 8 hours a day, from 8 to 12 in the morning and from 2 to 6 in the afternoon” (9).

Reviews from the Lyceum teachers about Alexander Gorchakov have been preserved. Professor of Russian and Latin literature N.K. Koshansky wrote on December 15, 1813: “One of the few students who combines many abilities to the highest degree. Particularly noticeable in him is his quick understanding, which suddenly embraces both rules and examples, which, combined with excessive competition and some kind of noblely strong ambition, reveals the quickness of reason in him and some traits of genius. His success is excellent." Teacher of physics and mathematics Ya. I. Kartsev wrote at the same time: “Gorchakov was, as always, very attentive, extremely diligent, firm and thorough in his judgment; makes progress quickly and decisively.” Governor G.S. Chirikov noted: “Gorchakov is prudent, noble in his actions, extremely fond of learning, neat, polite, diligent, sensitive, meek, but proud. His distinctive qualities are: self-love, jealousy for one’s benefit and honor, and generosity” (9).

At the Lyceum, Prince Gorchakov studied together with Alexander Pushkin, who wrote three poetic messages to him - in 1814, 1817 and 1819.

On June 9, 1817, Gorchakov graduated from the Lyceum with a gold medal, renounced his inheritance in favor of his four sisters and, having received the rank of titular councilor, with the help of his uncle A.N. Peschurov, entered the office of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Certificate of Commendation received by Prince Alexander on June 9 upon graduation said:

“Exemplary good behavior, diligence and excellent success in all parts of the sciences, which you showed during your six-year stay at the Imperial Lyceum, made you worthy of receiving a second gold medal, which was given to you with the highest approval of His Imperial Majesty. May this first sign of distinction, which you receive upon your entry into the society of citizens, be a sign that your dignity is always recognized and receives its reward, may it serve you as a constant encouragement for the zealous fulfillment of your duties to the state and fatherland” (1).

Prince Alexander, after graduating from the Lyceum, wrote to his uncle: “In last time you told me two words about Count Kapodistrias, everything that I heard about him confirms your opinion about him, but they say that he probably will not stay in this place for long, his straightforward character is not capable of court intrigue. And I would like to serve under his command” (1).

B. L. Modzalevsky wrote in his work “On the biography of Prince A. M. Gorchakov,” published in Moscow in 1907:

“Gorchakov’s uncle, Alexey Nikitich Peschurov, retired on February 2, 1816 with the rank of 5th class. Peschurov argued for Gorchakov before his wife’s fellow countryman, Count I. A. Kapodistrias, who was at that time the Secretary of State of Emperor Alexander I and the manager of part of Russia’s international relations. On June 13, 1817, Gorchakov was accepted into the office of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs” (4).

Later, Prince Gorchakov wrote: “Military service presented me with almost nothing attractive in peacetime, except for the uniform, which from now on I present to young helipads to be seduced by, but I still had the prejudice to think that a young man needs to start his military service. I imagine others winning laurels in the military field, and I decisively choose the civilian one, as more similar to my abilities, way of thinking, health and condition, and I hope that in this way I can become more useful. Without a doubt, if circumstances similar to those that marked the 12th year had arisen, then, at least in my opinion, everyone who feels even the slightest inclination towards the military should devote himself to it, and then I, too, would not be without regret, exchanged the pen for a sword. But since, I hope, this will not happen, I have chosen for myself the civil and the noblest part of the civil service – diplomacy” (1).

At first, Prince Alexander studied the history of diplomacy, the main task of which at that time was, according to I. Kapodistrias, “to extract Europe from its long-standing fears and the mistrust that Russia instilled in it” (1).

O. A. Savelyeva wrote in her article “Greek Patriot in the Service of Russia,” published in the collection “Russian Diplomacy in Portraits,” published in Moscow in 1992:

“Count John, or, as he was called in Russian service, Ivan Antonovich Kapodistrias, was born in 1776 into an old Greek aristocratic family on the island of Corfu. Received his medical education in Italy. At the same time, I attended courses on political sciences, law and philosophy. Kapodistrias received his first lessons in diplomacy and experience in political struggle as Secretary of State of the Republic of the Seven United Islands - the first independent Greek state, created in the Ionian Islands in 1800. After the transfer of the Ionian Islands to France under the Treaty of Tilsit in 1807, Kapodistrias received an invitation to Russian service.

During the first two years spent in Russia, his main occupation was compiling various notes on the instructions of Chancellor N.P. Rumyantsev. During 1811–1813, he was a supernumerary secretary under the Russian envoy in Vienna G. O. Stackelberg, then the ruler of the diplomatic chancellery of the Danube Army of Admiral P. V. Chichagov and a diplomatic official under M. B. Barclay de Tolly.

Kapodistrias' rise began with his mission to Switzerland. According to Alexander I, the political structure of Switzerland, although its emergence was associated with the intervention of Napoleon, should have remained the same. In carrying out this mission, Kapodistrias managed to prevent Austria from dismembering the Swiss cantons and restoring monarchical rule.

Kapodistrias’ success was highly appreciated by Alexander I, who in a confidential conversation said about him: “He won’t stay there for long; we will have a lot to do in Vienna, but I don’t have a person strong enough to fight Metternich, and I’m thinking of bringing him closer to me.”

At the Congress of Vienna, at a meeting of which Kapodistrias arrived in October 1814, he became a close adviser to the Russian emperor.

In September 1815, the tsar appointed Kapodistrias secretary of state for foreign affairs. On November 20, Kapodistrias signed the Paris Peace Treaty on behalf of Russia.

In August 1816, K.V. Nesselrode was appointed manager of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Kapodistrias was in charge of Russia's relations with eastern countries, including Turkey, while Nesselrode was in charge of Russia's relations with Western countries.

Alexander I saw in Kapodistrias a man whose moderate liberal views and advice could be useful in pursuing a policy of contacts and compromises with the new forces of Europe. Nesselrode was not suitable for this role. He was an accurate and conscientious executor of the tsar’s will, an official who was good at drawing up diplomatic papers from the tsar’s words or from his sketches” (6).

The entire European politics of the early 19th century was determined after the defeat Napoleonic France at the Congress of Vienna, which ended the era of global territorial changes in Europe.

In September 1820, Gorchakov was appointed to accompany the Secretary of State - Minister of Foreign Affairs - K.V. Nesselrode to the II Congress of the Holy Alliance, held in the Austrian town of Troppau, then participated in the work of the congresses in Laibach (1821) and Verona - ( 1822). The main responsibility of twenty-year-old Gorchakov on diplomatic trips to congresses was to compile dispatches for the office Russian Ministry Foreign Affairs about the progress of negotiations. The number of reports written by Gorchakov during 1820–1822 was measured in the thousands. At the Laibach Congress Gorchakov was awarded the order St. Vladimir IV degree.

The figure of K. Nesselrode, who managed the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for almost forty years, has been well studied. Nesselrode did not even know the Russian language, “he was a decisive example of the attractive force that exists between insignificance and fortune” (23).

S. S. Tatishchev wrote in his book “From the Past of Russian Diplomacy of the 19th Century,” published in St. Petersburg in 1890:

“The Nesselrode family belongs to the ancient German nobility, its origins go back to XIV century. It comes from the county of Berg, in what is now Rhineland Prussia. The branch of Nesselrode, to which the future chancellor belonged, was elevated to baronial dignity in 1655, and to counthood in the Roman Empire in 1705. The father of the future chancellor, Count Wilhelm Nesselrode, was appointed, thanks to the patronage of the Landgravess of Hesse-Darmstadt, the mother of the first wife of Tsarevich Pavel Petrovich, to the newly established position of our envoy at the Portuguese court. Count Wilhelm Nesselrode, like all members of this family, was married to Louise Gontar, the daughter of a Frankfurt banker who converted to Protestantism. On December 2, 1780, the very day of their arrival in Lisbon, their son Karl-Robert was born on the English ship carrying them. The boy was baptized according to the Anglican rite due to the lack of a pastor of a different Protestant persuasion in Lisbon. From Portugal, Count Wilhelm was transferred in 1788 as an envoy to Berlin, but did not remain there for long and was recalled the following year due to his complete insolvency and obsequiousness to the Prussian court at a time when it was in a directly hostile position towards Russia. eastern affairs. He, however, left his son, who was enrolled as a midshipman in the Russian fleet, to be raised at the Berlin Gymnasium Goedicke and only when he reached the age of sixteen sent him to Russia to enter the service. Young Karl-Robert arrived in St. Petersburg in 1796, two months before the death of Catherine, and was seconded to the second department of the Marine, located in Kronstadt. cadet corps. Emperor Paul, who was kind to his father, upon his accession to the throne, transferred him to his favorite Life Guards Cavalry Regiment and appointed him aide-de-camp. At first, Nesselrode quickly advanced through the ranks. After the death of Paul, Nesselrode was sent with a letter of notification about the accession of Emperor Alexander to the throne to the court of Duke Charles of Württemberg, the brother of the dowager empress. Returning from a business trip, he was assigned to the State Collegium of Foreign Affairs and assigned to our mission in Berlin in excess of the staff. Around the same time, his acquaintance began with Metternich, who was still the Austrian envoy in Dresden, and with many Austrian aristocrats. He completely succumbed to their influence, internalized their views, judgments, likes and dislikes.

In 1810, Emperor Alexander granted Nesselrode Secretary of State and at the end of 1811 he announced to him that, in view of the upcoming war, he intended to bring him closer to himself. At the beginning of 1812, Nesselrode’s position at court was strengthened by his marriage to the daughter of the rich and influential Minister of Finance, later Count, D. A. Guryev.

It would be a mistake to assume that there was personal antagonism between the two secretaries of state (Kapodistrias and Nesselrode). On the contrary, they lived peacefully and even amicably among themselves, and the flexible Nesselrode carefully avoided discord with his comrade, who during the era of the Congress of Aachen enjoyed the boundless trust of the sovereign. Metternich treated Kapodistrias differently. He saw in him the only obstacle to the involvement of the Russian court in his diplomatic networks, and directed all efforts towards eliminating the hated enemy. At the Troppau Congress, Metternich had the opportunity to make sure that Nesselrode was not able to relegate Kapodistrias to the background. The insignificance and colorlessness of Nesselrode extremely upset Metternich: “What a pity that Nesselrode is so obscured! I don’t understand how a person can destroy himself to such an extent that he puts on someone else’s hope and hides behind someone else’s mask, instead of preserving his own expression!”

Meanwhile, underground work, undertaken by Metternich against Kapodistrias, progressed quite successfully. In the spring of 1822, as a result of diplomatic intrigue cleverly directed from Vienna, Kapodistrias finally resigned, and it was accepted by Alexander. Metternich was triumphant.

With Kapodistrias, the last trace of the Orthodox-folk direction, independent in relation to the allies in the West, of consciousness disappeared from Russian diplomacy historical vocation Russia in the East. Not a single Russian person remained in the positions of ambassadors at the courts of the great powers. All of them were presented exclusively to the Germans, who flooded both the College of Foreign Affairs and the offices of embassies and missions. Talented young diplomats of Russian origin, one after another, were removed from the department, in which foreigners were clearly given preference over them. This is how D.N. Bludov and Count V.N. Panin left the diplomatic service, and if any of the Russians remained in it, then, like A.M. Gorchakov, they were doomed to occupy secondary positions for many years. It is characteristic that A. S. Pushkin, patronized by Kapodistrias, whose sins his caring boss treated with paternal condescension, was expelled “for debauchery” from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the very first year of its sole management by Count Nesselrode” (29).

V. N. Ponomarev wrote in his article “The end of a long career. K.V. Nesselrode and the Peace of Paris,” published in the collection “Russian Diplomacy in Portraits,” published in Moscow in 1992:

"TO. V. Nesselrode (1780–1862) was born in Lisbon, where his father, a German in the Russian service, Wilhelm Nesselrode, served as Russian envoy. Karl received his education in Germany, where he graduated from high school. At the age of twenty, after unsuccessful attempts After starting a career in the navy or army, Nesselrode switched to the diplomatic field. In the first decade of the 19th century, he served in the Russian missions in Berlin, The Hague, and at the embassy in Paris. His acquaintance with Prince K. Metternich dates back to this time. This Austrian diplomat and statesman had a great influence on the formation political views Nesselrode. The latter considered him an example of a statesman and politician.

The period of the Patriotic War of 1812 and foreign trips The Russian army turned out to be very important for Nesselrode's career. Back in 1811, he was appointed secretary of state, that is, a special confidant under the emperor, performing secretarial duties, then he carried out individual assignments while in the army, and in 1813-1814 he was almost constantly under Emperor Alexander I, in charge of political correspondence during the campaign. office. At the Vienna Congress of 1814–1815 he was one of the representatives of Russia.

In 1816, the tsar gave him, along with I. A. Kapodistrias, control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Nesselrode was then in charge of relations with the Western powers, and Kapodistrias was in charge of eastern affairs. General management was entrusted to Nesselrode, who was the first Secretary of State. Later, when liberalism in the policy of Alexander I was ended, the management of the ministry began to be carried out solely by K.V. Nesselrode (since 1822). In 1828 he was given the title of vice-chancellor, and in 1845 he reached senior rank(according to the “Table of Ranks”) - became state chancellor of the Russian Empire. Most historians explain the phenomenon of Nesselrode’s long service by submission and obedience to the “highest will”” (6).

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was born on June 4, 1798 in Gapsala. His father, Prince Mikhail Alekseevich, was a major general, his mother, Elena Vasilievna Ferzen, was the daughter of a colonel.

Alexander Mikhailovich belonged to the ancient noble family, which originates from the Rurikovichs.

The family had five children - four daughters and a son. The nature of his father’s service required frequent moves: the Gorchakovs lived in Gapsala, Revel, and St. Petersburg. After graduating from high school in St. Petersburg, Gorchakov entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum in 1811, where he successfully studied not only the humanities, but also the exact and natural sciences. Already during his studies he chose as his future profession diplomacy. His idol was diplomat I.A. Kapodistrias. “The direct character of him [Kapodistrias] is not capable of court intrigue. I would like to serve under his command,” said Alexander. He studied together with A.S. Pushkin. Great poet dedicated a poem to his classmate in which he predicted a brilliant future for him: “The wayward hand of Fortune has shown you a happy and glorious path.” Gorchakov maintained friendly relations with Pushkin for the rest of his life.

Returning to Russia in 1825 and passing through the Pskov province, he met a friend of his youth who was serving exile, although this act was fraught with trouble for him. But the young diplomat was completely financially dependent on the salary he received, since he refused his share of the inheritance in favor of his sisters. In 1817, Gorchakov brilliantly graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum and began his diplomatic career with the rank of titular councilor. His first teacher and mentor was Count I.A. Kapodistrias, State Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for Eastern and Greek Affairs. Together with Kapodistrias and other diplomats, Gorchakov was in the tsar's retinue at the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. As an attaché, he carried out diplomatic assignments for the Tsar. Alexander I was favorable to him and “always noted him as one of the best pupils of the lyceum.” In 1820, Gorchakov was sent as secretary of the embassy to London.

In 1822 he became the first secretary of the embassy, ​​and in 1824 he was awarded the rank of court councilor. Gorchakov remained in London until 1827, when he was transferred to the post of first secretary in Rome. The following year, the young diplomat became an adviser to the embassy in Berlin, and then, as a charge d'affaires, he again found himself in Italy, this time in Florence and Lucca, the capital of the Tuscan state.

In 1833, by personal order of Nicholas I, Gorchakov was sent to Vienna as an adviser. Ambassador D. Tatishchev entrusted him with important tasks. Many reports sent to St. Petersburg were compiled by Gorchakov. For his diplomatic successes, Gorchakov was promoted to state councilor (1834). In 1838, Gorchakov married Maria Alexandrovna Urusova, the widow of I.A. Musina-Pushkin. The Urusov family was rich and influential. Gorchakov left his service in Vienna and returned to the capital. Gorchakov’s decision to resign is explained by the fact that his relationship with Foreign Minister Nesselrode did not work out. Only in 1841, Alexander Mikhailovich received a new appointment and went as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Württemberg, whose king Wilhelm II was related to Nicholas I. Gorchakov’s task was to maintain the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries. The revolutions of 1848-1849, which swept Europe, found the diplomat in Stuttgart. Gorchakov did not approve of revolutionary methods of struggle. Reporting on rallies and demonstrations in Württemberg, he advised protecting Russia from an explosion similar to that in Western Europe. In 1850, Gorchakov was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the German Union (the capital was Frankfurt am Main). At the same time, he retained his post in Württemberg. Gorchakov sought to preserve the German Confederation as an organization that would restrain the efforts of Austria and Prussia - two rival powers - to act as a unifier of Germany. In June 1853, Gorchakov’s wife, with whom he lived for fifteen years, died in Baden-Baden. He left in his care two sons and children from his wife’s first marriage. Soon the Crimean War began. During this difficult time for Russia, Gorchakov proved himself to be a diplomat of the highest class.

In June 1854 he was sent as ambassador to Vienna. England and France then took the side of Turkey, and Austria, without declaring war on Russia, helped the powers of the anti-Russian bloc. In Vienna, Gorchakov became convinced of Austria's insidious plans directed against Russia. He was especially concerned about Austria's attempts to win Prussia over to its side. He did everything to ensure that Prussia remained neutral. In December 1854, the ambassadors of all the warring powers and Austria gathered for a conference; Gorchakov represented Russia at it. At numerous meetings of the conference, which lasted until the spring of 1855, he tried to soften the harsh demands of the powers. The Russian diplomat entered into secret negotiations with the Count of Morny, a confidant of Napoleon III. Having learned about this, representatives of Austria turned to Alexander II in St. Petersburg and got him to accept their conditions, the so-called “five points”. Gorchakov believed that continuing negotiations with France would allow Russia to conclude peace on more favorable terms for it. At the Paris Congress, which completed its work on March 18 (30), 1856, Russia signed an agreement that recorded its defeat in the Crimean War. The most difficult condition of the Paris Peace was the article on the neutralization of the Black Sea, according to which Russia was prohibited from having a navy there and building coastal defensive structures.

After the defeat in the Crimean War on April 15, 1856, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was headed by Gorchakov. Alexander II, paying tribute to his experience, talent, and intelligence, chose him, despite Nesselrode’s attempts to prevent this appointment. Historian S.S. Tatishchev associated “a sharp turn in Russian foreign policy” with Gorchakov’s appointment. The new direction of foreign policy was justified by the minister in a report to Alexander II and outlined in a circular dated August 21, 1856. It emphasized the desire Russian government dedicate "paramount care" internal affairs, expanding its activities beyond the borders of the empire, “only when the positive benefits of Russia absolutely require it.” And finally famous phrase: “They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating.” Gorchakov himself, in a report on the work of the ministry for 1856, explained it this way: “Russia mentally concentrated not out of a sense of wounded pride, but with an awareness of strength and its true interests. However, it did not abandon either concern for its dignity or the rank that belonged to it.” among the great powers of Europe." Moreover, the policy of abstinence, which it was decided to follow, did not at all exclude Russian diplomacy from exploring opportunities and preparing for the conclusion of new alliances, without, however, accepting any obligations in relation to anyone until its own national interests dictated it to do so." Gorchakov sought to pursue a “national” policy without sacrificing the interests of Russia in the name of political goals alien to it, including the goals of the Holy Alliance. He was the first to use the expression in his dispatches: “The sovereign and Russia,” said Gorchakov, “for.” Europe had no other concept in relation to our Fatherland than the “emperor”. Nesselrode reproached him for this. “We know only one tsar,” said my predecessor: “We don’t care about Russia.” "The prince represents one of the most outstanding statesmen“,” Filippo Oldoini, the Sardinian charge d’affaires in St. Petersburg, wrote about Gorchakov in his diary in 1856, “this is a purely Russian and liberal minister, of course, to the extent that this is possible in his country... He is an intelligent and pleasant person, but very hot-tempered..." The fight for the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Treaty of Paris became a strategic goal foreign policy Gorchakov for the next decade and a half. To solve this main task, allies were needed. Alexander II was inclined towards rapprochement with Prussia, but Gorchakov recognized an alliance with the weakest of the great powers as insufficient to return Russia to its former position in Europe. He associated the achievement of a positive result with close cooperation with France. Alexander II agreed with the diplomat's arguments. Gorchakov ordered the Russian ambassador in Paris, Kiselev, to convey to Napoleon III that Russia would not prevent France from taking possession of Nice and Savoy. Napoleon III, who was making diplomatic preparations for war with Austria, also needed the speedy signing of a Russian-French alliance. As a result of numerous meetings, disputes and compromises, on February 19 (March 3), 1859, a secret Russian-French treaty on neutrality and cooperation was signed in Paris. And although Russia did not receive French support in revising the articles of the Paris Peace, this agreement allowed it to get out of the isolation in which it was after its defeat in the war with Turkey.

In the early 1860s, Gorchakov occupied a prominent position in the government and had great influence not only on foreign policy, but also on the internal affairs of the country, advocating moderate bourgeois reforms. To the Russian Minister was awarded the rank of vice-chancellor (1862), and then state chancellor (1867). Gorchakov was skilled in the art of diplomatic play. A witty and brilliant speaker, he spoke French and German and, according to O. Bismarck, loved to show off with it. “Gorchakov,” wrote the French politician Emile Ollivier had a sublime, large, subtle mind, and his ability to use diplomatic tricks did not exclude loyalty. He loved to play with his opponent, to confuse him, to take him by surprise, but he never allowed himself to treat him harshly or deceive him. He did not have to resort to reprises and tricks, since his plan was always clear and devoid of mysteries. Communication with very few of the diplomats was so easy and reliable." Ollivier attributed the following to Gorchakov's main shortcomings: "Always ready for conferences, congresses where they speak or write, he was less ready for a quick, daring, risky action that could lead to a fight . The courageous risk of heroic undertakings frightened him and, although he lacked dignity, his first move was to evade them, hiding behind condescension, and, if necessary, timidity." Gorchakov updated the composition of the ministry, removing numerous foreigners and replacing them with Russian people. Great value Gorchakov gave historical traditions of his country and the experience of its diplomacy. He considered Peter I to be an example of a diplomat. Possessing undoubted literary talent, Gorchakov composed diplomatic documents so elegantly that they often resembled works of art.

In 1861, an uprising began in Poland, the goal of which was to restore the Kingdom of Poland from Russian lands. In June 1863, the Western powers approached St. Petersburg with a proposal to convene a European conference of the states that signed the 1815 treaties. Gorchakov stated that the Polish issue is an internal matter of Russia. He ordered Russian ambassadors abroad to stop all negotiations with European states By Polish affairs. At the beginning of 1864, the Polish uprising was suppressed. Prussia benefited the most: its active support for Russia's actions brought the positions of the two countries closer together. Gorchakov also participated in solving the problem of Russian colonies in North America - Alaska, the Aleutian Islands and west coast to 55 degrees north latitude.

On December 16, 1866, a meeting was held with the participation of the Tsar, at which the initiator of the sale of Alaska was present Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, A.M. Gorchakov, N.Kh. Reitern, N.K. Krabbe, Russian Ambassador to the USA E.A. Stackl. All of them unconditionally supported the sale of Russian possessions to the United States. The tsarist government knew about the presence of gold placers there, but this was precisely what was fraught with considerable danger. “Following an army of gold miners armed with shovels could come an army of soldiers armed with guns.” Having neither a significant army nor a strong navy in the Far East, given the difficult financial situation of the country, it was impossible to preserve the colony. The agreement on the sale of Alaska for 7 million 200 thousand dollars (11 million rubles) was signed on March 18 in Washington and ratified in April by Alexander II and the US Senate. During the negotiations in 1866-1867, it became obvious that Russia could not count on French support. Gorchakov came to the conclusion that “serious and close agreement with Prussia is the best combination, if not the only one.” In August 1866, General E. Manteuffel, a confidant of Wilhelm I, arrived from Berlin to St. Petersburg. During the conversation with him, a verbal agreement was reached that Prussia would support Russia’s demands to abolish the most difficult articles of the Paris Treaty. In return, Gorchakov promised to maintain benevolent neutrality during German unification.

In 1868, an oral agreement followed, which actually had the force of a contract. Gorchakov was a supporter of cautious actions. He believed, for example, that in the East one should take a “defensive position”: “morally lead the movement” in the Balkans, “prevent bloody battles and all religious fanaticism.” Gorchakov ordered diplomats “not to drag Russia into complications that could interfere with our internal work"However, Gorchakov's "defensive" tactics met with opposition from the so-called national party, which was headed by Minister of War Milyutin and Ambassador in Istanbul Ignatiev. They called for active actions in the Middle East, in Central Asia, in the Far East. Gorchakov agreed with their arguments about the admissibility of a military offensive in Central Asia. It was under Gorchakov that the annexation of Central Asia to Russia took place.

In July 1870, the Franco-Prussian War began, in which Russia took a neutral position. Gorchakov hoped for Bismarck's support in revising the terms of the Treaty of Paris. The French army suffered a defeat, which changed the political situation in Europe. Gorchakov told the Tsar that it was time to raise the issue of Russia’s “fair demand.” The main "guarantor" of the Paris Treaty - France suffered a military defeat, Prussia promised support; Austria-Hungary would not risk moving against Russia for fear of being subjected to a new attack by Prussia. That left England, which always avoided single-handed military action. Moreover, Gorchakov insisted on immediate action, arguing that the decision should be made before the end of the Franco-Prussian war. “While the war lasted, we could count with greater confidence on the good will of Prussia and on the restraint of the powers that signed the treaty of 1856,” the minister noted in a report to the emperor. At the suggestion of Minister of War D.A. Milyutin, it was decided to confine himself to a statement about the abolition of the articles of the treatise relating to the Black Sea, but not to touch upon territorial demands.

State Chancellor Prince A.M. Gorchakov, portrait by N.T. Bogatsky. 1876

On October 19 (31), 1870, Gorchakov, through Russian ambassadors abroad, handed over to the governments of all states that signed Treaty of Paris 1856, "Circular Dispatch". Russia claimed that the 1856 Treaty of Paris was repeatedly violated by the powers that signed it. Russia can no longer consider itself bound by that part of the obligations of the treaty of 1856, which limited its rights in the Black Sea. The circular also noted that Russia does not intend to “raise the Eastern question”; it is ready to implement the main principles of the 1856 treaty and enter into agreements with other states to confirm its provisions or draw up a new treaty. Gorchakov’s circular produced the effect of a “bomb exploding” in Europe. The governments of England and Austria-Hungary greeted him with particular hostility. But they had to limit themselves to verbal protests. Porta ultimately remained neutral. As for Prussia, Bismarck was “irritated” by Russia’s performance, but he could only declare that he supported Russia’s demand for the abolition of the “most unsuccessful” articles of the treatise. In order to reconcile the parties, the German Chancellor proposed convening in St. Petersburg a meeting of the authorized powers that signed the 1856 treaty. This proposal was accepted by all powers, including Russia. But at the request of England, it was decided to hold the meeting in London. The work of the conference ended with the signing of the London Protocol on March 1 (13), 1871, the main result of which for Russia was the abolition of the article on neutralization of the Black Sea. The country received the right to maintain a navy on the Black Sea and build military fortifications on its coast. Gorchakov experienced genuine triumph. He considered this victory the main achievement of all his diplomatic activities. Alexander II granted him the title of "lordship".

In May 1873, during the visit of Alexander II to Austria, the first after the end of the Crimean War, a Russian-Austrian political convention was signed. Gorchakov believed that the convention, despite all the amorphousness of its content, “made it possible to forget the unpleasant past... The ghosts of Pan-Slavism, Pan-Germanism, Polonism... were reduced to a minimum size.” In October 1873, during the visit of Wilhelm I to Austria, the Act of Germany's accession to the Russian-Austrian Convention was signed. This is how an association was formed, which in history received the name of the Union of Three Emperors. For Russia, the meaning of the Union of Three Emperors came down primarily to a political agreement on the Balkan problem. But it was the Balkan crisis of the 1870s that dealt a heavy blow to the Alliance of the Three Emperors. Gorchakov tried to persuade his partners to support his autonomy plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, calls from European powers to resolve the conflict peacefully were rejected by the Sultan. At the end of 1876, Gorchakov recognized the need for military action. “Our traditions do not allow us,” he wrote in his annual report to Alexander II, “to be indifferent. There are national, internal feelings that are difficult to go against.” In January 1877, Gorchakov concluded the Budapest Convention with Austria-Hungary, which ensured Russia the neutrality of Austria-Hungary in the event of a Russian-Turkish war. Alexander II, under pressure from public opinion, started a war with Turkey on April 12, 1877. The war was fought under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from Turkish rule. If it was successfully completed, Russia hoped to assert its influence in the Balkans. After the Adrianople Truce, concluded on January 19 (31), 1878 between Russia and Turkey, St. Petersburg demanded that its diplomats sign an agreement with Turkey as soon as possible. Gorchakov recommended that Ignatiev give “the act the form of a preliminary peace,” taking into account the interests of Austria-Hungary, to seek agreement with Germany in order to prevent Anglo-German-Austrian unity." With all this, the chancellor was decisive in the Balkan, especially the Bulgarian, issue. "Especially firmly stand your ground in everything that concerns Bulgaria,” noted Gorchakov.

The peace with Turkey signed on February 19 (March 3), 1878 in San Stefano, timed to coincide with the birthday of Alexander II, recognized the independence of Serbia, Romania, Montenegro, the broad autonomy of Bulgaria with the inclusion of Macedonia; Southern Bessarabia, torn from it under the terms of the Treaty of Paris, was returned to Russia. Not only England, but also Austria-Hungary resolutely opposed Russia’s new plans, which found expression in the Treaty of San Stefano. Gorchakov hoped for Germany, but at the Berlin Congress Bismarck took a position of neutrality. At this forum, Gorchakov explained the difficult situation of his country by the fact that there was “the evil will of almost all of Europe” against it. After the Berlin Congress, he wrote to the Tsar that “it would be an illusion to count on an alliance of three emperors in the future,” and concluded that “we will have to return to the famous phrase of 1856: Russia will have to concentrate.” He admitted to Alexander II: “The Berlin Treaty is the darkest page in my career.” After the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for another three years. He made every effort to stabilize the country's internal situation and maintain the "balance of power" in Europe. The minister's special attention was paid to the Balkans, to assisting, as the Russian government understood it, in the establishment of statehood there. Gorchakov became increasingly ill, and gradually the leadership of the ministry passed to other people.

In 1880, he went abroad for treatment, retaining his post as minister. Without his participation, Russian-German negotiations were conducted in Berlin, which led to the conclusion of the Russian-German-Austrian alliance in 1881. Having retired from active political life, Gorchakov met with friends, read a lot and dictated his memoirs. Gorchakov died in Baden-Baden on February 27, 1883; he was buried in St. Petersburg, in the family crypt at the cemetery of the Trinity-Sergius Primorsky Hermitage.

Prince A.M. Gorchakov

Yes, you kept your word:

Without moving a gun, not a ruble,

Comes into its own again

Native Russian land.

And the sea bequeathed to us

Again a free wave,

Having forgotten about the brief shame,

He kisses his native shore.

Happy in our age, who wins

Given not by blood, but by mind,

Happy is he who points to Archimedes

I knew how to find in myself -

Who, full of cheerful patience,

Combined calculation with courage -

Then he restrained his aspirations,

Then he dared in a timely manner.

But is the confrontation over?

And how powerful is your leverage?

Will master perseverance in smart people

And unconsciousness in fools?

F.I. Tyutchev

Circular dispatch

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia A.M. Gorchakov to representatives of Russia at the courts of the powers that signed the Paris Treaty of 1856

The repeated violations to which treaties considered the basis of European balance have been subjected in recent years have forced the imperial cabinet into the need to delve into their significance in relation to the political situation in Russia.

Among these treaties, the treaty of March 18/30, 1856 most directly relates to Russia.

In a separate convention between the two coastal powers of the Black Sea, which forms an annex to the treaty, Russia is obliged to limit its naval forces to the smallest possible size.

On the other hand, the treaty established the basic principle of neutralization of the Black Sea.

The powers that signed the treaty believed that this beginning was supposed to eliminate any possibility of clashes both between the coastal states and between the latter and sea ​​powers. It was supposed to increase the number of countries enjoying, by unanimous agreement of Europe, the benefits of neutralization, and thus protect Russia from any danger of attack.

Fifteen years of experience have proven that this beginning, on which the security of the border of the Russian Empire on this side depends, throughout its entire length, has only theoretical significance.

Indeed: while Russia was disarming in the Black Sea and even, through a declaration included in the minutes of the conference, directly prohibited itself from taking effective measures naval defense in the adjacent seas and ports, Turkey retained the right to maintain unlimited naval forces in the Archipelago and in the straits; France and England could continue to concentrate their squadrons in the Mediterranean.

Moreover, as the treatise puts it, entry into the Black Sea is formally and forever prohibited to the military flag of both coastal and all other powers; but by virtue of the so-called Straits Convention, military flags are prohibited from passing through these straits only during times of peace. From this contradiction it follows that the shores of the Russian Empire are open to any attack, even from less powerful powers, if only they have naval forces, against which Russia could field only a few ships of weak size.

However, the treaty of March 18/30, 1856 did not avoid the violations to which it was subjected most European treaties; In view of these violations, it would be difficult to argue that written law, based on respect for treatises (these foundations of international law and relations between states), retained the same moral force that it could have in earlier times.

Everyone saw how the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, whose fate, under the guarantee of the great powers, was determined by treaties and subsequent protocols, went through a series of coups, which, being contrary to the spirit and letter of the treaties, led them first to unification, and then to the calling of a foreign prince. These events occurred with the knowledge of the Porte and were tolerated by the Great Powers, who, at least, did not consider it necessary to force respect for their sentences.

Only one representative of Russia raised his voice to point out to the cabinets that by such tolerance they were becoming contrary to the positive provisions of the treaty.

Of course, if the concessions granted to one of the Christian nations of the East were the consequence of a general agreement between the cabinets and the Porte, based on a principle, which could be applied to the entire Christian population of Turkey, then the imperial cabinet would have treated them with complete sympathy. But these concessions were only the exception.

The Imperial Cabinet could not help but be amazed that, thus, the treaty of March 18/30, 1856, only a few years after its conclusion, could be violated with impunity in one of its essential parts in the face of the great powers assembled at the Paris conference and representing, in their entirety, the host of supreme power on which the world of the East relied.

This violation was not the only one.

Repeatedly and under various pretexts, passage through the straits was opened for foreign military ships, and entire squadrons were allowed into the Black Sea, the presence of which was an encroachment against the complete neutrality assigned to these waters.

With the gradual weakening of the guarantees provided by the treaty, especially the guarantee of the actual neutralization of the Black Sea, the invention of armored ships, unknown and not in mind at the conclusion of the treaty of 1856, increased the dangers for Russia in the event of war, significantly increasing the already very obvious inequality regarding naval forces.

In this state of affairs, the Emperor had to ask himself the question: what rights and what responsibilities arise for Russia from these changes in general? political situation and from these deviations from obligations, which Russia never ceased to strictly observe, although they are imbued with a spirit of mistrust towards her?

Upon mature consideration of this issue, e.i.v. deigned to come to the following conclusions, which you are instructed to bring to the attention of the government under which you are authorized.

In relation to the law, our august sovereign cannot allow treaties, violated in many of their essential and general articles, to remain binding on those articles that relate to the direct interests of his empire.

In relation to application, e.i.v. cannot allow the security of Russia to be made dependent on a theory that has not stood up to the experience of time, and that this security could be violated due to respect for obligations that were not respected in their entirety.

The Emperor, in confidence in the sense of justice of the powers that signed the treaty of 1856, and in their consciousness of their own dignity, commands you to announce: that h.i.v. can no longer consider himself bound by the obligations of the treaty of March 18/30, 1856, to the extent that they limit his sovereign rights in the Black Sea;

that e.i.v. considers it his right and his duty to declare e.v. to the Sultan for the termination of a separate and additional convention to the aforementioned treaty defining the number and size of warships that both coastal powers allowed themselves to maintain in the Black Sea;

that the Emperor directly notifies the powers that have signed and guaranteed the general treaty, of which this separate convention forms an essential part;

that e.i.v. returns, in this regard, e.v. to the Sultan his rights in full, just as he restores his own.

In carrying out this commission, you will take pains to determine precisely that our august monarch has only in mind the safety and dignity of his empire. - In the thoughts of E.I. Majesty is not excited at all eastern question. In this matter, as in all others, he only wants to preserve and strengthen peace. He does not cease, as before, to fully recognize the main principles of the treatise of 1856, which determined the position of Turkey among the states of Europe. He is ready to enter into an agreement with the powers that have signed this treaty: either to confirm its general provisions, or to renew them, or to replace them with some other fair agreement that would be recognized as capable of ensuring the tranquility of the East and European balance.

E.I. Majesty is convinced that this calm and this balance will acquire even newer guarantees when they rest on foundations that are fairer and stronger than in a situation that no great power can accept as a natural condition of its existence.

GORCHAKOV

Verified according to the publication: Collection of treaties between Russia and other states. 1856-1917. M., State Publishing House of Political Literature, 1952.

From the historical dictionary:

“CIRCULAR NOTE” is a diplomatic document sent by Foreign Minister A. M. Gorchakov on October 19 (31), 1870 to Russian diplomatic representatives in England, France, Austria-Hungary, Italy and Turkey.

The note informed the powers that signed the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856 that Russia was refusing the obligation to fulfill its condition regarding the neutralization of the Black Sea under the pretext that other countries had repeatedly violated this treaty.

Great Britain and Austria-Hungary condemned the unilateral decision of the Russian government. Prussia in gratitude for neutrality in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. supported Russia, and defeated France did not have the opportunity to protest.

The London Conference of 1871 confirmed the agreement of the great powers with the unilateral decision of the Russian government (see London Convention of March 1 (13), 1871).?

Orlov A.S., Georgieva N.G., Georgiev V.A. Historical Dictionary. 2nd ed. M., 2012, p. 550.