Brazilian army in the Second World War. Brazil in World War II

UDK 94(8) “1939/1945”

L.Ya. KLIMUTI, Ph.D. ist. Sciences, Associate Professor

Mogilevsky State University named after A.A. Kuleshova, Mogilev, Republic of Belarus

BRAZIL'S PARTICIPATION IN WORLD WAR II AND ITS INTERACTION WITH THE USA

Brazil's participation in World War II led to many significant changes. Relations with the United States played a role in Brazil's decision to send troops to the front, but a number of external and internal factors determined Brazil's position in the war and the direction of its interaction with the United States.

Key words: Brazilian Expeditionary Force, World War II, military cooperation, international agreements, J. Vargas.

Introduction. Brazil's participation in World War II was the culmination of a foreign policy emphasis that began back in 1902, when Foreign Minister Rio Branco led Brazil toward closer relations with the United States. He believed that ties with the United States would help Brazil become a leading state in the Latin American region and provide international prestige.

However, this topic has not received sufficient attention in historiography. In the CIS countries only L.S. Okuneva dedicated the article to the Brazilian Expeditionary Force. In Russian historiography, the topic of Latin America’s participation in World War II has not been generally considered. In the works of Western historians, one can distinguish such areas as the study

direct participation of Brazil on the war fronts in the works of F.D. McCann and E. Silva, and a study of the relationship between the United States and Brazil during the war in the works of B. Crandall, W. Prutch and M. Hirst. The presented article proposes to consider various aspects of Brazilian policy and foreign orientation during the Second World War, which

were directly related to strengthening relations with the United States.

Main part. After J. Vargas came to power, Brazil's political priorities were industrialization and strengthening the power of the military. The country balanced its relations with the United States with relations with the Axis countries. Germany became the main buyer of Brazilian cotton and the main supplier of weapons to Brazil. The special "ask" system allowed Germany to offer its products at lower prices than its competitors. For Brazil, the plan of action was obvious: they needed to pit many players against each other, thereby increasing their room for maneuver. A bunch of trading partners made the economy less dependent on one source of supply and prevented interference strong state into the internal affairs of the country.

It was also important that in November 1937 J. Vargas dissolved the constitutional government, which he had headed since 1934, and established his dictatorship in the form of a “new state.” Leading Brazilian politicians are divided into pro-US and pro-US factions.

Axis countries. Brazil did not want to be drawn into another world war, but it could not deny the existence of the threat. In the event of the outbreak of war, the Brazilian General Staff envisaged a policy of control over the immigrant population, which included dispersing it throughout the country in order to avoid concentration

representatives of the same nationality, neutralization of direct assistance from foreign governments, compulsory education in Portuguese. From a foreign policy point of view, some kind of South American alliance was envisaged, although its prospects were seen as

dubious due to long-standing rivalries in the region. Brazil with her Portuguese Was in to a certain extent isolated country on the continent. In this it was similar to the United States, a country that opposed the Spanish-speaking world. But concerns have been raised about excessive US influence and Brazil's dependence on it. For its part, in the United States, one of the factors behind the adoption of the Good Neighbor Policy was the concern that the Latin American region might become politically alienated.

The United States was concerned about the potential German threat if Britain were defeated. In Brazil, as in other Latin American countries, there were quite large German communities that spread German propaganda, financed the Nazis in Berlin, and engaged in espionage and sabotage. But most Latin American political leaders did not share Washington's concerns. They believed that Roosevelt was using the problems in Europe to abandon the idea of ​​​​non-intervention, proclaimed in 1933. Only after the capture of Poland and France did anxiety begin to grow in Latin American countries.

The alliance with the United States was important for Brazil, primarily due to the disruption of trade relations with Europe. Due to the English blockade, trade with Germany was reduced to almost zero. In addition, J. Vargas saw the war as an opportunity to improve Brazil's defense and infrastructure. F.D. McCann believes that Brazil did not take advantage of the lessons of the First World War. The main mission of the Brazilian army has always been to suppress internal uprisings and

secessionist movements. The US seemed to have the best opportunity to train and equip troops.

Despite relations with Germany and Italy, Brazilian diplomats carefully avoided identifying their country with international ambitions Nazi Germany, and continued to emphasize the importance of close relations with the United States. And for the United States, which realized the inevitability of war, the support of American countries, and in particular Brazil, was important.

Brazilian leaders believed that if Brazil participated in the war only as a supplier of resources, then the Allies would view such a role as symbolic and the country would also be given a symbolic position at the peace conference at the end of the war. These leaders hoped that participation in the battles would enhance Brazil's postwar status and allow the country to represent Latin America in all postwar decisions. For military leaders, it was also an opportunity for the army to gain experience and, just as important, to modernize the army after the war with the help of the United States.

The first 7 years of the J. Vargas administration contributed to a rapprochement between the United States and Brazil. Economics played a significant role in maintaining US interest in Brazil. Access to the Brazilian market was a priority for the US government, especially in light of Germany's active policies since the mid-1930s. . Administration of T. Roosevelt in military assistance saw a way to contain the growing influence of Germany and guarantee a market for the United States.

Brazil was important to the United States for a number of reasons. It seemed realistic then that the Axis powers could invade through Africa. The only suitable point for an attack on the hemisphere seemed to be the northeastern tip of Brazil, which was closer to French West Africa than to Antilles. It was an exposed region, outside the reach of US air power in the Caribbean and inaccessible by land to Brazilian forces concentrated in the south. Accordingly, the defense of northeast Brazil became the basis of US policy to defend the Western Hemisphere, and initial negotiations with Brazil, beginning in 1939

g., developed into a military partnership. Already from the end of 1938, the US government was concerned about the possible emergence of military bases of the Axis powers in the Western Hemisphere. Today we understand how difficult it would be to maintain such remote bases, but in the 1930s. Due to the rapid progress of aviation, such a possibility seemed real.

J. Vargas perfectly understood the importance of Brazil for the United States and skillfully used it. US assistance helped Brazil become the leading military power in the region, and this, in turn, changed the balance of power in relations with its main rival, Argentina. Let us not forget that the United States helped build the plant in Volta Redonda.

Between T. Roosevelt and J. Vargas a formation was formed close friendship. They met twice (1936, 1943), corresponded and respected each other. They spoke French without an interpreter, and documents even confirm that J. Vargas left his terminally ill son to meet with T. Roosevelt in 1943. AT. Roosevelt promised Brazil a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

Strengthening ties between the United States and Brazil initially manifested itself in the area of ​​trade policy. In 1935, an agreement was concluded under which the parties agreed on mutual concessions and preferential treatment towards each other. Washington provided loans to finance exports to Brazil, but without increasing Brazilian exports to the United States. However, American quotas on cocoa and coffee and the exclusion of cotton did not help expand trade.

J. Vargas sought to achieve agreements from the United States that would be beneficial for the economic interests of Brazil. In exchange, Brazil abandoned trade with Germany, introduced liberal trade policies, and resumed debt payments that had been suspended since 1937, when the “new state” was proclaimed. Since 1941, Brazilian exports have been stimulated by a number of factors: supplies of strategic materials to the United States, sales of beef and cotton to Great Britain, and higher coffee prices guaranteed by the International Coffee Treaty.

On August 16, 1940, the Department for Coordination of Trade and cultural relations between the American republics (as it was first called). His main task was to stop the influence of the Axis powers in the Western Hemisphere and strengthen US influence in the region. The later Office of Inter-American Affairs was tasked with establishing links between government agencies and between governments and the private sector. For this purpose, influential citizens from various fields. The office was headed by American businessman and philanthropist Nelson Rockefeller, who served as Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs.

But the alliance that developed between Brazil and the United States was not formed without difficulties. Demand for rubber has led to increased economic activity in the Amazon and disruption of this fragile ecosystem. Military personnel from the United States arrived in Brazil, and many of them were disrespectful of local culture and traditions. The American military themselves, in their reports to headquarters, defined the feelings of the Brazilians as mistrust; at local residents there was a growing feeling that the Americans had not come to help, but to take what they had.

Relations between the two countries in economic, military and cultural areas deepening since 1939. Brazil negotiated with the United States and Germany to finance the construction of a rolling mill at Volta Redonda, and eventually a formal agreement was reached with the United States in 1940. J. Vargas accepted the American offer, since the Americans guaranteed that all industrial production would be carried out in Brazil. The agreement stipulated that only Brazilian labor would be used, 50% of the coal would be mined in Brazil, and all furnaces would be owned by Brazil. Despite the disapproval of North American industrialists, T. Roosevelt signed this agreement.

A new period in relations between the United States and Brazil begins in December 1941 after the United States entered the war. Latin American countries were important suppliers of strategic raw materials and territories for military bases.

With the entry of the United States into the war, pressure on Brazil increased. It was vital for Washington to obtain a military base on the northeastern coast of the country in order to support its operations in Africa. Negotiations with the US government ended with the signing of a secret military agreement in May 1942. Under the Washington Agreement, Brazil received a loan of $100 million for the construction of a rolling mill and a loan of $200 million for the purchase military equipment. The new terms of the agreement with the United States were accompanied by Brazil's decision to tighten relations with the Axis countries, which subsequently led to the sinking German submarines Brazilian merchant ships. Between late January and July 1942, 13 Brazilian merchant ships were sunk. In August 1942, 5 Brazilian ships were sunk in 2 days. The submarine attack on the Brazilian fleet was an order from Hitler, who believed that since Brazil was in such close relations with the United States, it meant that it was de facto at war.

However, it is not entirely true to say that German aggression forced Brazil to enter the war. Even before the official declaration of war, Brazil helped the United States with resources, gave permission to build military bases, and participated in the campaign against German submarines. The declaration of war on Germany was a logical continuation of the policy of J. Vargas. It must be emphasized that sending an expeditionary force was a Brazilian idea, the result of a carefully calculated policy by J. Vargas, and not the result of the fact that the United States sought to drag Brazil into the conflict.

The Brazilian government realized the vulnerability of its northeastern region when Germany seized the French colonies in Africa. The Brazilian government understood that only the United States could provide the necessary forces to defend the region and ensure the safety of merchant ships in the South Atlantic. Brazil also moved its air bases to the northeast and stationed troops along the coast in order to repel a possible German invasion. Strategic location north

eastern tip of Brazil as a transit point to Africa and the presence large quantity raw materials needed for the war effort were important factors in the country's decision to side with the Allies in this conflict.

Military leaders were well aware of Brazil's unpreparedness for war, especially the weakness of its navy in protecting the coast. There were also fears that disillusioned pro-German elements in the south might provoke civil unrest or even support an Argentine invasion. In addition, the economic consequences of the British naval blockade also affected. In response, some cities, such as the then capital Rio de Janeiro, saw persecution of German communities. Passive position the government of J. Vargas turned out to be untenable in the face public opinion. Ultimately, the government had no alternative but to declare war on Germany and Italy on August 22, 1942.

It should be noted here that at this time Brazil was a country with a traditionally isolationist foreign policy, most of its population lived in rural areas and was illiterate, the economy was concentrated on exports, and the infrastructure was poorly developed. Many Brazilian generals were wary of the idea of ​​defeating fascist and Nazi forces in Europe, as they feared the growing desire for democratization in their country. In addition, Brazil lived under a military regime, which after 1937 took an openly authoritarian form, and until 1941 flirted with fascist and Nazi regimes in Europe. Therefore, it was impossible for Brazil to pursue its own autonomous line in a military conflict.

The importance of supporting Brazil was emphasized at a meeting between T. Roosevelt and J. Vargas in January 1942 at the base in Natal. This was the moment of greatest closeness between the two countries in the war. The Brazilian-American Joint Defense Commission was created. The total cost of aid to Brazil reached $347 million (75% of all aid to Latin America).

The main task of the Brazilian fleet was to provide ship safety,

sailing between the Central and South Atlantic and Gibraltar. The Brazilian Navy conducted 574 operations. According to German documents, the Brazilian fleet attacked German ships 66 times. submarines.

Yet American and Brazilian leaders had different views on military cooperation. Brazilians expected respect even though they perceived themselves as the weaker side. The Americans believed that a self-respecting country would not surrender its army to the control and command of another state. Probably, J. Vargas would not have done this if he had a better understanding of the American mentality. In the Brazilian mentality, the “patron-client” relationship was valuable, in which the weaker seeks the support of the stronger, and the strong are obliged to protect the weak. At the same time, he understood the poor preparation of the Brazilian army for a conflict of this scale. He realized that everything has a price, but he counted on the fact that the United States needed Brazil in this war, and this would help maintain the necessary balance.

At first, the United States supported the idea that Brazilian troops would fly missions related to the defense of the continent and support convoy operations in the South Atlantic. But the Brazilian government has sought greater national involvement. In turn, Washington imagined that if the largest country in Latin America fought on the side of the allies, this would enhance the image of the United States as the leader of the hemisphere.

The Brazilian Expeditionary Force began as a political project to make Brazil a "special ally" of the United States. It took Brazil almost two years to assemble one division of 25,335 men. A number of Brazilian historians believe that mobilization was slow due to domestic opposition to World War II and the intervention of pro-Nazi "fifth column" and anti-British and anti-American elements who feared that Brazil would be dominated by the US, which represented the world's new imperialism. On July 2, 1944, the first 5,000 departed for Europe and arrived in Italy on July 16. They landed in Naples to join with the American Task Force 45. They landed without weapons, no barracks had been prepared, and 14 soldiers

had to stay at the docks. This caused a negative reaction in the Brazilian media and reduced the enthusiasm of Brazilian soldiers for the war. In addition, the winter in Italy was quite severe; in the Apennines the temperature reached -20, and the Brazilian army did not have winter uniforms. An additional difficulty was that the Brazilian soldiers had difficulty understanding commands on English language. Difficult interracial relations were also a problem. Two more Brazilian units arrived in Italy at the end of July, followed by three more in September–November 1944 and February 1945 respectively.

General Mascarenhas later recalled the difficulties faced by the Brazilian soldiers and considered that their operation began in rather disgraceful circumstances. They had American weapons and ammunition, American overcoats and shoes, almost all food was American (even Brazilian coffee was not used). The Brazilian uniform was very Bad quality and was not suitable for low temperatures; in addition, it closely resembled the enemy's uniform, which confused Allied aircraft and posed a danger to Brazilian soldiers.

For Brazilian veterans

The Battle of Monte Castello acquired symbolic significance. Participation in the capture of Belvedere Castello convinced the Brazilians that they were up to the task assigned to them. The success of the combined actions of the BEC and the 10th (Mountain) Division of the US Army made a further Allied offensive possible. If even one of the divisions had failed, the offensive would have had to be postponed. It should also be noted the success of the BEC in the victory at Montese on April 16, and on April 29 - 30, the German 148th division and several Italian divisions surrendered to General Mascarenhas. The Brazilians also participated in the liberation of Turin and acted as an occupying force in Montese, Castelnuovo, Zocca, Monalto and Barga. However, although the Brazilian Expeditionary Force was significant in size and played important role on Italian front, the Italian front itself became secondary after the Allied landings and the invasion of southern France.

Brazil's participation in World War II did not change its attitude towards war

as such. Brazil continued to view war as a last resort after arbitration and other peace efforts failed. Such views dictated that Brazil should not wage wars of conquest, but in the new conditions soldiers and officers were taught to think in terms of aggressive defense, applying the doctrine of tactical

advancing deep into enemy territory to destroy the enemy army and seize territory. The defensive French model was replaced by an offensive one

American doctrine.

Cooperation with the United States has helped Brazil increase its military capacity. The army increased from 80,000 to 200,000, the merchant fleet increased significantly, and the Brazilian Air Force was created with 500 aircraft. Also, contacts with the American military in terms of training specialists have become more intense.

The military alliance led to increased economic relations between the countries. In 1940, Brazil imported $111 million worth of goods from the United States, and five years later it was worth $210 million. During the same time, exports from Brazil to the United States tripled from $105 million to $311 million. But the military alliance also caused some friction between the countries. In Brazil, until 1943, prices were constantly rising, standards were introduced for wheat and sugar, and the emergence of an alternative type of fuel from timber called gazogeniu became a symbol of national unity and sacrifices for the war. Luxurious soaps, American films and lectures by US professors contrasted sharply with the arrogance American engineers in the Amazon, the rudeness of the marines in the coastal cities of Brazil, and the shortage of basic consumer goods and food.

Cooperation with the United States also caused some changes in Vargas' support base. New line foreign policy implied a revision of the position of military leadership and dissociation from those sectors that were identified with European fascism.

American leaders wanted the BEC to remain in Europe as an occupying force, but Brazilian military and civilian leaders rejected this role. The Brazilian government decided to dissolve the BEC immediately

upon his return to Brazil. The Americans hoped that this unit would form the core of the future Brazilian reformed army. But the chance to use BEC's experience to expand Brazil's influence in post-war world was missed. Those who made hasty decisions at the end of 1945 did not know how quickly demobilization would take place in the United States and how long the alliance with the USSR would last. It is possible that if Brazil had kept its troops in Europe, its international position after the war would have been different.

After the end of the war, the Brazilian-American dialogue lost its friendly tone. Brazil has found it more difficult to negotiate favorable prices for coffee and obtain loans for industry. The US government began to openly express sympathy for those political sectors that advocated liberal economic policies, and this contributed to the dialogue between opponents of Vargas and supporters of economic liberalism in both countries.

Since 1945, the United States has concentrated on reconstructing Europe and has not devoted as much time to Latin America. At the Inter-American Conference in

Chapultepec in 1945 demonstrated a decline in interest in the region when the United States did not support Brazil's idea of ​​taking a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

From the point of view of the Brazilian government, the country did not receive the expected treatment from the US and was not offered a seat on the Security Council. The Brazilians felt that their efforts and sacrifices were not appreciated because they had not received proper reparations from the enemy, and it looked as if Washington was more concerned with its interests. former enemy than former allies. An explanation for this may be the beginning of the Cold War and the death of Roosevelt. By the way, Brazil's refusal to participate in operations in Korea and Vietnam is partly due to the fact that the Brazilians believed that the United States did not sufficiently appreciate their contribution to World War II.

Conclusion. In the war, Brazil lost 1,889 soldiers and sailors, 31 merchant ships, 3 warships and 22 fighter aircraft. But she

emerged from the war with a modernized army.

A number of Brazilian historians believe that the Americanization of Brazil occurred during World War II. As an example, they cite, among other things, the influx to Brazil consumer goods from USA. They point out that US economic influence has been accompanied by strengthening cultural relations.

On the other hand, the need to adapt to US military needs led to shortages of everyday goods and rising inflation in Brazil. In mid-1943, standards for the sale of fuel, sugar and milk were introduced, queues appeared in Brazil, and the constant propaganda of friendship with the United States generated not so much an atmosphere of goodwill as irritation. As Foreign Minister Aranha noted: “One more goodwill mission and Brazil will declare war on the United States.”

Cooperation with the United States has intensified another interesting trend. Brazilian propaganda not only tried to convince that the country was in equal relations with the United States, but also to present Brazil as a more democratic country than its partner. Racial segregation in the US has been used as evidence that Brazil is a model society in terms of the coexistence of different ethnic groups. The regime of J. Vargas sought to export the idea of ​​“racial democracy”, supposedly

existed in Brazil.

A number of historians believe that cooperation with the United States helped J. Vargas remain in power. However, it should be borne in mind that, despite all the friendliness, the official rhetoric of the United States was the idea of ​​​​the struggle of democracy against totalitarian regimes, and this could not but affect public opinion in Brazil.

The war exposed Brazil's dependence on foreign investment, imports and markets, but it also provided unique opportunity create infrastructure for further controlled

economic development. Washington really tried to reduce

Brazil's dependence on American goods because during the war, factories in the United States already worked to the limit to provide necessary resources 16

allies. The development of Brazilian industry under these conditions was a logical consequence. The US administration stimulated the idea that industrialization, electrification, increased trade and improved education would be a direct consequence of an Allied victory. But after the war, the United States quickly lost interest in such costly peacetime projects.

Overall, Brazil's participation in World War II contributed to

significant changes. The process of democratization after the struggle for freedom from fascism and Nazism in Europe led to the overthrow of the dictatorship of J. Vargas. Thanks to the income received during the war, industrialization accelerated and the steel industry was created. This paved the way for the creation of new industries such as automobile manufacturing in the future. A new industry appeared in Sao Paulo - the military. Military operations set new standards in military training. The experiences of returning veterans began the process of modernization.

Bibliography

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2. Crandall, B.H. Hemispheric Giants: The Misunderstood History of U.S.-Brazilian Relations / B.H. Crandall. - Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011. - 230 p.

3. Hirst, M. Understanding Brazil United States Relations. Contemporary History, Current Complexities and Prospects for the 21st century / M. Hirst. - Brasilia: FUNAG, 2013. - 281 p.

4. Prutsch, U. Americanization of Brazil or a Pragmatic Wartime Alliance? The Politics of Nelson Rockefeller's Office of Inter-American Affair in Brazil During World War II / U. Prutsch // Revista Internacional de Historia Politica e Cultura Juridica. - 2010. - Vol. 2, no. 4. - P. 181 - 216.

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6. Silva, H. 1942, guerra no continente / H. Silva, M.C. Ribas Carneiro. - Civiliza^ao Brasileira, 1972. - 448 p.

7. McCann, F.D. Brazil and World War II: The Forgotten Ally. What did you do in the war, Ze Carioca? / University of New Hampshire. - Mode of access: http: //www .tau.ac.il/eial/VI_2/mccann.htm. -- Date of access: 06/18/2015.

Summary. This topic has not received sufficient attention in Russian historiography. The article discusses not only direct participation Brazil in World War II, but also the direction of Brazilian policy and foreign orientation during this period, which led it to closer interaction with the United States. After J. Vargas came to power, Brazil foreign policy balanced its relations with the United States with relations with the Axis countries. At the end of the 1930s. Both Brazil and the United States are aware of the need for mutual rapprochement in connection with the events taking place in Europe. For Brazil, rapprochement with the United States was initially dictated economic reasons. The position of the United States, in turn, was largely determined by geopolitical reasons. Faced with the prospect of a probable war, the United States wanted not only to gain a reliable ally on the continent, but also to ensure the protection of the hemisphere from possible attack. The alliance that developed between Brazil and the United States began with a series of economic agreements, but then the idea of ​​​​sending a Brazilian expeditionary force to Europe arose. The declaration of war on Germany was a logical continuation of the policy of J. Vargas. However, the Brazilian army was not prepared for war, so cooperation with

USA. Thanks to this cooperation, Brazil was able to increase its military power. Brazilian forces participated in the battles of Monte Castello and Montese and also acted as an occupying force in Italy. Overall, Brazil's participation in World War II contributed to significant changes, both economically and politically.

Abstract. The subject discussed in the article has not yet received sufficient attention in the national historiography. The author does not confine her research solely to the direct participation of Brazil in World War II. The direction of Brazilian foreign policy in this period, which led it to closer cooperation with the US, is also emphasized. After J. Vargas"s coming to power, Brazil counterbalanced its relations with the United States by relations with the countries of the "axis." At the end of the 1930s Brazil and the US recognize the need for mutual approach in connection with the events taking place in Europe. For Brazil, a rapprochement with the US was initially dictated by economic reasons. For the US, geopolitical concerns came to the fore. Facing the prospect of a new world war, the United States needed a reliable ally on the continent. in order to protect the hemisphere from a possible attack. The alliance between Brazil and the US began with the economic cooperation aimed at the modernization of Brazilian manufacture and society. The idea of ​​sending the Brazilian Expeditionary Force to fight in Europe appeared later as a logical conclusion of Vargas's policy. However, the Brazilian army was not prepared for the war, consequently the cooperation with the US played a vital role in preparing the BEF for combat. Brazil was able to increase its military power. The participation in World War II led to significant changes in Brazilian economy and politics.

KLIMOUT Lada. Yu., Cand. Of Hist. Sc., Associate Professor

Mogilev State University named A.A. Kuleshov, Mogilev, Republic of Belarus

THE PARTICIPATION OF BRAZIL IN WORLD WAR II AND ITS COOPERATION WITH THE US

The participation of Brazil in World War II led to many significant changes. Relations with the US played a role in making the decision by Brazil to send its troops to the front but a whole range of internal and external factors determined Brazil's position in the war and the direction of its interaction with the US.

Keywords: Brazilian Expeditionary Force, World War II, military cooperation, international agreements, J. Vargas

1. McCann F.D. Journal of Latin American Studies, 1980, Vol. 12, iss. 01, pp. 107 - 126.

2. Crandall B.H. Hemispheric Giants: The Misunderstood History of U.S.-Brazilian Relations, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011, 230 p.

3. Hirst M. Understanding Brazil-United States Relations. Contemporary History, Current Complexities and Prospects for the 21st century, Brasilia: FUNAG, 2013, 281 p.

4. Prutsch U. Americanization of Brazil or a Pragmatic Wartime Alliance? The Politics of Nelson Rockefeller's Office of Inter-American Affair in Brazil During World War

II, Revista Internacional de Historia Política e Cultura Juridica, 2010, Vol. 2, no. 4, pp. 181 - 216.

After suppressing an anti-government rebellion in São Paulo in 1932, Vargas organized free elections in which Brazilian women voted for the first time, although the citizens were illiterate voting rights never received it. In 1934, a new constitution was promulgated and Vargas was elected president for a four-year term. A short period of constitutional rule (1934–1937), however, was interrupted by worsening ideological differences between left and right. The integralist movement (the Brazilian version of fascism) unfolded in the country as Hitler's influence expanded in Europe. In 1935, the Brazilian communists, with the support of some military garrisons and city trade unions, tried to stage a coup in the country, but they failed to remove Vargas. The presidential elections scheduled for the end of 1937 were suddenly canceled due to the deepening political crisis. In November 1937, Vargas dissolved the congress and adopted a constitution that proclaimed Brazil a New State (Estado Novo), which was a Creole version of a corporate state modeled on Salazar's Portugal.

While flirting with Germany and the United States, Vargas received financial support from both countries. The military leaned towards the alliance with Hitler, while entrepreneurs, bankers and some civilian advisors Vargas preferred to strengthen ties with the United States. In 1938, after the failure of the integralist putsch, the Vargas regime blocked the path to fascism in Brazil. The United States actively sought support in Latin American countries and, in response to German submarine attacks on neutral ships, strengthened economic cooperation with Brazil. In August 1942, Brazil declared itself an ally of the United States, entered the war and sent troops to Italy. USA, appreciating military support, provided financial and technical assistance to Brazil, including the construction of the first metallurgical plant in Latin America in the city of Volta Redonda (Rio de Janeiro).

The Vargas dictatorship lasted until 1944, when, in connection with the end of the war in Europe, Brazil intensified opposition movement. War veterans, civilian opponents of the regime, and even urban middle and lower classes came forward to demand freedom and democracy. The military began to dress up as democrats who participated in the overthrow of the regimes of Hitler and Mussolini, and chose to restore democracy. At the end of October 1945, Vargas was removed from power.

Latin American attitudes towards war.

After the outbreak of hostilities in Europe, a resolution on pursuing a policy of neutrality was adopted at a consultative meeting of foreign ministers in Panama. A “security zone” was declared around the continent at a distance of 300 to 1,000 miles from the coast. Until the end of 1941, the status of this zone as neutral was respected by all belligerents, including Germany and Japan.

The neutrality of Latin American countries was quite consistent with the line of Washington, which preferred not to interfere in European war. But at the same time, it also reflected the desire of the states of the region to maintain economic ties with the Axis powers. By 1940, German capital investments in the region amounted to $969 million, Germany imported strategic raw materials from Latin America. Influential public organizations, major politicians, and representatives of the business community sympathized with the Nazis. The main areas of application of German capital were Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, Brazil, Mexico, and Peru. In Brazil, the Krupp and Thyssen concerns were engaged in the development of iron ore, in Chile they mined saltpeter, in Brazil, Argentina, and Bolivia they owned concessions for oil-bearing areas.

There was also an “export” of Nazi ideas. Many fascist or semi-fascist organizations were created (in Brazil - the “Brazilian Integralist Action”, in Mexico - the “National Synarkist Union”, in Peru - the “Revolutionary Union”, etc.). These organizations showed noticeable political activity, and in Brazil in 1938, the integralists even attempted a coup.

However, in general, such trends did not determine the situation. Relative stabilization economic life countries of Latin America by the end of the 30s was achieved without the use of totalitarian methods of mobilization. Traditionally strong influence Anglo-Saxon democracies, primarily the United States, were generally balanced by the German political and ideological influence. Nevertheless, the Nazis maintained an extensive network of personal and business contacts in South America - largely relying on the descendants of German emigrants among entrepreneurs and politicians.

After suppressing an anti-government rebellion in São Paulo in 1932, Vargas organized free elections in which Brazilian women voted for the first time, although illiterate citizens were never granted voting rights. In 1934 it was made public new constitution, and Vargas was elected president for a term of four years. A short period of constitutional rule (1934–1937), however, was interrupted by worsening ideological differences between left and right. The integralist movement (the Brazilian version of fascism) unfolded in the country as Hitler's influence expanded in Europe. In 1935, the Brazilian communists, with the support of some military garrisons and city trade unions, tried to stage a coup in the country, but they failed to remove Vargas. Presidential elections scheduled for the end of 1937 due to deepening political crisis were suddenly cancelled. In November 1937, Vargas dissolved the congress and adopted a constitution that proclaimed Brazil a New State (Estado Novo), which was a Creole version of a corporate state modeled on Salazar's Portugal.

While flirting with Germany and the United States, Vargas received financial support from both countries. The military leaned towards an alliance with Hitler, while businessmen, bankers and some of Vargas's civilian advisers preferred to strengthen ties with the United States. In 1938, after the failure of the integralist putsch, the Vargas regime blocked the path to fascism in Brazil. The United States actively sought support in Latin American countries and, in response to German submarine attacks on neutral ships, strengthened economic cooperation with Brazil. In August 1942, Brazil declared itself an ally of the United States, entered the war and sent troops to Italy. The United States, appreciating the military support, provided financial and technical assistance to Brazil, including the construction of the first metallurgical plant in Latin America in the city of Volta Redonda (Rio de Janeiro).

The Vargas dictatorship lasted until 1944, when, in connection with the end of the war in Europe, the opposition movement intensified in Brazil. War veterans, civilian opponents of the regime, and even urban middle and lower classes came forward to demand freedom and democracy. The military began to dress up as democrats who participated in the overthrow of the regimes of Hitler and Mussolini, and chose to restore democracy. At the end of October 1945, Vargas was removed from power.

Latin American attitudes towards war.

After the outbreak of hostilities in Europe, a resolution on pursuing a policy of neutrality was adopted at a consultative meeting of foreign ministers in Panama. A “security zone” was declared around the continent at a distance of 300 to 1,000 miles from the coast. Until the end of 1941, the status of this zone as neutral was respected by all belligerents, including Germany and Japan.

The neutrality of the Latin American countries was fully consistent with the line of Washington, which preferred not to interfere in the European war. But at the same time, it also reflected the desire of the states of the region to maintain economic ties with the Axis powers. By 1940, German capital investments in the region amounted to $969 million, Germany imported strategic raw materials from Latin America. Influential public organizations, major politicians, and representatives of the business community sympathized with the Nazis. The main areas of application of German capital were Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, Brazil, Mexico, and Peru. In Brazil, the Krupp and Thyssen concerns were engaged in the development of iron ore, in Chile they mined saltpeter, in Brazil, Argentina, and Bolivia they owned concessions for oil-bearing areas.

There was also an “export” of Nazi ideas. Many fascist or semi-fascist organizations were created (in Brazil - the “Brazilian Integralist Action”, in Mexico - the “National Synarkist Union”, in Peru - the “Revolutionary Union”, etc.). These organizations showed noticeable political activity, and in Brazil in 1938, the integralists even attempted a coup.

However, in general, such trends did not determine the situation. By the end of the 1930s, relative stabilization of the economic life of Latin American countries was achieved without the use of totalitarian methods of mobilization. The traditionally strong influence of Anglo-Saxon democracies, primarily the United States, generally balanced the German political and ideological influence. However, the Nazis maintained an extensive network of personal and business contacts in South America - largely relying on the descendants of German emigrants among entrepreneurs and politicians.

Chile in the 1990s

Aylwin took office in March 1990 and established a civilian government with broad party representation. The National Congress resumed its work, settling in Valparaiso. Although General Pinochet remained commander-in-chief, Aylwin launched an investigation into human rights violations; These investigations uncovered mass graves of victims of the junta's repression in 1973 and subsequent years. Pinochet's attempts to obstruct the investigations were not supported by other military leaders.

The ruling coalition “Concord for Democracy”, the majority of which was made up of representatives of the Christian Democratic and Socialist parties, strengthened its position during the four years of Aylwin’s rule. In the elections in March 1994, its candidate, Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle, became president. He received 57.4% of the vote, while his main rival, Arturo Alessandri Besa, candidate from the coalition of right-wing parties, received 24.7% of the vote; the remaining votes came from two less popular candidates.

During the period from 1990 to 1996, sustainable economic growth was achieved (an average of 7% per year); by 1995, inflation was gradually reduced to a level not exceeding several percent per year.

Spending on government programs in education, health and housing has increased by 10% annually since 1990 (in real price terms). Between 1987 and 1994, the number of Chilean families whose standard of living was below the poverty threshold fell from 40% to 24%. Minimum pension and wages grew by almost 50% between 1990 and 1994, and by 1996, as a result of increased demand for labor in the labor market, the real level of wages reached and exceeded those of the period before Pinochet came to power. The unemployment rate in the public sector in 1996 was 6.4%.

One of the most important steps towards the restoration of democracy was the constitutional amendment carried out by the Aylwin government, which provided for the use of the principle of proportional representation in local elections in 1992. Although most subsequent attempts to expand the scope of democratic principles and, if possible, reduce the influence of the reactionary part of the military by adopting new constitutional amendments were unsuccessful, the movement towards democracy gained strength under the influence of a clearly expressed popular will. It turned out that politicians, journalists and leaders social movements it is often possible to expand the boundaries of use of civilian and political rights solely through the creation of an appropriate political climate in the country.

Attempts by the civilian government to bring to justice those responsible for numerous human rights violations have been met with heavy military resistance, but progress has been made in this area. A special committee created under the Aylwin government managed to open the mass grave sites and officially register approx. 3000 cases of "disappearance" of people during Pinochet's rule. Appearance official document made it possible for parents, children and spouses of victims of the military dictatorship to file claims in court and demand payment of appropriate benefits. In addition, Aylwin's government released c. 380 political prisoners and facilitated the return to their homeland of approximately 40 thousand political refugees.

Ensuring that the perpetrators of bloody crimes receive the punishment they deserve turned out to be much more difficult task. In July 1994, President Frei publicly announced that the government was refusing to trust the commander of the Carabinieri Corps (National Police), responsible for the massacres taking place in the country. However, under the current constitution, Frey could not remove him from office. In 1996, G. Marin, the leader of the Communist Party of Chile, was arrested for publicly criticizing Pinochet, but under powerful pressure from public opinion both in the country and abroad, she was soon released.

Despite sporadic protests and street demonstrations organized by the army in protest, the civilian government revised several provisions of the amnesty law; in addition, it was able to change the existing situation, when all crimes committed by the military against civilians had to be tried only by military courts. More than 20 army and police officers have served and are serving prison sentences for crimes committed during the years of the military dictatorship.

The largest of the trials, during which it was possible to achieve a serious punishment, was the case of General Manuel Contreras Sepúlveda, former leader secret police, and Brigadier General Pedro Espinosa Bravo, former leader military intelligence. They were accused of killing the former Minister of the Interior and Minister of Defense in the Allende government, Orlando Letelier, and his American employee, Ronnie Moffitt; As a result, both generals were arrested, found guilty, sentenced to prison, and in 1995, despite threats, obstacles and protests from some of the accused's military colleagues, they were imprisoned.

On October 16, 1998, former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet was arrested in London. The arrest was made in connection with Spain's demand for the general's extradition so that he could stand trial on charges of murdering Spanish citizens in Chile. The UK High Court's decision that Pinochet had diplomatic immunity as a former head of state was overturned by the House of Lords appeal committee, and on December 9 the UK Home Secretary announced the commencement of extradition proceedings. Meanwhile, Switzerland made a demand for the extradition of the former dictator; similar requests were prepared in a number of other European countries. The December decision of the appeal court was affirmed in March 1999

The answer to the riddle from the previous post is - Brazilians.

During the outbreak of WWII, Brazil was a neutral country. President Vargas, in power since 1937, is pro-fascist and a big fan of Mussolini. In Brazil, pro-German or isolationist sentiments prevailed. A common phrase in those days was: “It’s more likely that a cobra will start smoking than FEB will be sent to war.”

The situation gradually began to change after the US joined the Allies. In October 1941, US-Navy received the right to use Brazilian ports. In January 1942, Brazil severed diplomatic ties with the Axis countries. The formal reason for declaring war was indeed given by Germany itself. In the first half of 1942, German submarines sank a total of 13 Brazilian ships; on August 16/17, five more ships were sunk within 40 hours. About 600 Brazilian sailors died that day. In response, on the 42nd, Brazil declared war on Germany.

FEB patch. Notice what the cobra holds in its teeth ;)

Brazilian coprus in Naples

The first troops landed in Naples on July 2, 1944. In total, about 25,000 soldiers fought in the corps in Italy. Surprisingly, the Brazilians performed at their best during the Italian campaign. The first battle took place on September 14th. Within two days, the small city of 20,000 Massarosa was captured in battle. The popular story is that in those battles, a group of Germans came across three Brazilians on patrol (Arlindo Lúcio da Silva, Geraldo Baeta da Cruz and Geraldo Rodrigues de Souza). After a short but fierce battle, the Germans buried these soldiers, placing on the cross the inscription "Three Brazilian Heroes"

Brazilian soldiers. Apennines, December 1944.

After this success, the headquarters of the 5th Army sends FEB to the Apennines to storm the Gothic Line. Maybe I'm wrong, but it seems to me that here the Brazilians saw snow for the first time in their lives and felt what extreme cold was like. Like the entire 5th Army, the breakthrough of the line in winter did not end in success. The Germans continued to defend until the spring of 1945. To break the morale of the Brazilians, a massive use of leaflets and even radio broadcasts in Portuguese Hora AuriVerde (golden-green hour) was organized.

Wehrmacht General Otto Fretter-Picot

On April 28, the Brazilians achieved their greatest success. On this day, the 148th Division under the command of Otto Fretter-Pico, parts of the 90th Panzergrenadier Division and Italian units were captured. In total, two generals, 900 officers and about 20,000 soldiers surrendered. On May 2, the Brazilians complete their last operation, the FEB enters Turin where it unites with French troops.

Monument to those killed in WWII in Rio de Janeiro

In total, the losses of the expeditionary force amounted to 450 dead. In 1960, their bodies were transported to Brazil.

On a tip

Brazil in the Second World Wargovtsi, Brazil in the Second World War with
Brazil participated in World War II on the side of the Anti-Hitler Coalition from August 22, 1942 until the end of the war. Brazil is the only country South America, which took part in hostilities, despite the fact that all the states of the continent sooner or later entered the war.

• 1 Background
• 2 Passive participation
• 3 Expeditionary Force in Italy
• 4 Consequences
• 5 See also
• 6 Notes
• 7 Links

Background

Brazil's economic ties with the United States have traditionally been strong, but cooperation with Germany greatly increased in the thirties. Brazilian coffee accounted for 41% of all German imports of this product in 1938, cotton - 39%, tobacco - 14%. 77% of all Brazilian natural rubber and 40% of wool (in 1937 - even 97%) went to Germany. Immediately after the start of the war, Brazil declared its neutrality. However, the Vargas government faced difficult choices. The United States was significantly leaning towards Great Britain, and these two countries remained Brazil's main economic partners. On the other hand, Germany could act as a counterweight to US dominance in the Western Hemisphere. Thus, the oligarchs, who feared for their economic interests in the event of a confrontation with the United States, sided with the Allies, and the military came out in favor of supporting the Nazis. Vargas maneuvered between the two sides for some time, so in 1941 he sent Hitler a congratulatory telegram in honor of the Fuhrer’s birthday. 1940, fearing that after the supposed fall of Britain the Germans would shift hostilities to western hemisphere, the United States proposed to place its military bases on the coast of Brazil with a total contingent of 100 thousand people. The Brazilian military reacted negatively to the proposal and it was frozen for the time being. In the same year, Brazil, together with the United States, occupied Dutch Guiana. Finally, on September 26, 1940, the Vargas government announced that it would take the American side in the event of German aggression. The United States regarded this as a good sign and recommended that Great Britain make an exception to the naval blockade for German weapons going to Brazil.

In January 1942, a meeting of the foreign ministers of American states was held in Rio de Janeiro. It recommended breaking off relations with the countries of the Nazi bloc and ending all trade ties with them. Brazil has implemented this recommendation. The Inter-American Defense Council was created, chaired by the United States and headquartered in Washington, and included Brazil. Thus, Brazil finally broke with Germany. In February, the Germans began to sink Brazilian ships (the first victim, the commercial ship Buarca, was torpedoed off the coast of the United States, 1 dead), and in July 10 German submarines set off for the South Atlantic. mid-August after German submarines torpedoed 6 Brazilian civil courts In many cities of the country, anti-fascist rallies and pogroms of property in Germany and Italy took place. On August 22, 1942, Brazil declared war on the Axis powers.

Passive participation

In July 1941, despite opposition from some high-ranking military officials, construction of airstrips began at points such as Recife, Belem, Natal, Fortaleza, Maceio and Salvador. The airfields were built by a subsidiary of Pan American Airways and operated by US military personnel. The purpose of their construction was to supply the British and as a precaution in case of a threat to Brazil itself. Thus, military cargo of the Western allies was able to move along the route Miami - Caribbean Islands - "Guianas" - Belem - Natal - Ascension Island - Africa.

The US Navy Group in the South Atlantic (from March 1943 - the US Fourth Fleet) under the command of Jonas Ingram, based in the Brazilian port of Recife, operated in Brazilian waters. In September 1942, Ingram also received the Brazilian navy and aviation at his disposal. 1943 it consisted of 5 Omaha-class light cruisers, 8 destroyers, a number of small ships and 10 squadrons of various aircraft based at airfields in Brazil and on Ascension Island. The forces of the Fourth Fleet sunk the German submarines U-848 and U-849 and other ships.

Expeditionary Force in Italy

On January 28, 1943, a meeting took place in Natal between US President Roosevelt and Brazilian President Vargas. The Brazilian side proposed to use its own army in military operations. According to the plan of the Brazilians, who cherished the idea of ​​​​redividing the colonies in their favor, such a more active participation in the war would allow Brazil to more actively participate in the establishment of the post-war order. In addition, they counted on US assistance in industrialization. The US supported the proposal. Initially, the Brazilian military intended to form three or four divisions, but later, due to difficulties with weapons and transportation, they settled on one.

In July 1944, the first batch of Brazilians arrived in Naples. In total, the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (port. Força Expedicionária Brasileira) included 25,334 people. It consisted of one infantry division and an aviation group. The Brazilian division fought as part of the US 5th Army's Fourth Corps on the Italian front from September 1944 until its surrender. German troops in Italy in April 1945.

Consequences

Brazil's losses in the war were 1,889 soldiers and sailors, 3 warships, 22 fighter aircraft and 25 commercial vessels. The Brazilian armed forces received experience and significant assistance with weapons from the United States - Brazil accepted 70% of all Lend-Lease supplies for Latin America.

During the war, there was a growth in the import-substitution industry, this is due to government policy country, as well as with a reduction in imports of industrial goods. 1942 With the help of the United States, a metallurgical plant was built in Volta Redonda. Due to the German naval blockade, which meant the closure of Brazil's important European market, total Brazilian exports decreased slightly, but non-European exports increased greatly. Thus, the products of textile enterprises found consumers in Argentina and South Africa. The United States needed raw materials from Brazil: iron ore, natural rubber, chromium, manganese, nickel, bauxite, tungsten, industrial diamonds and monazite sands. All this led to the fact that during the war, Brazil's GDP increased several times.

The war did not bring complete satisfaction to the Brazilian elites, since hopes for the redistribution of the colonies did not materialize European countries; in particular, for the annexation of Guiana to Brazil. This affected post-war politics countries - Brazil did not send a single soldier to the Korean War. Nevertheless, it found itself firmly within the US sphere of influence. If before the war the majority of foreign investment in the country was capital from Great Britain, then after it it was from the United States.

Participation in the war had a fatal impact on Vargas's policy. Anti-dictatorship sentiments increased significantly. The President was forced to liberalize the political system. On February 22, 1945, press censorship was abolished, and on February 28, amendments to the 1937 constitution were announced, providing for general presidential and parliamentary elections. 148 political prisoners were released from prison, including the leader of the November Uprising of 1935, communist Luis Carlos Prestes. Liberalization of the course did not save the Vargas regime - on October 29, 1945, he was overthrown by the military.

Marshal Humberto Castelo Branco, who came to power with the help of the army in 1964, and several ministers from the junta fought in this war.

In Brazil, there are two museums dedicated to the country's participation in World War II, an association of veterans of the Brazilian Expeditionary Force. The bodies of those killed from this corps were buried in a special mausoleum in Rio de Janeiro.

see also

• Brazil in World War I
• Era of Vargas
• 164th (Argentine) Squadron
• Mexican Expeditionary Air Force

Notes

1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Frank D. McCann, "Brazil and World War II: The Forgotten Ally." (English)
2. 1 2 3 4 5 A.I. Stroganov. Recent history of Latin American countries. - Moscow: Higher School, 1995. - 415 p. - ISBN 5-06-002830-5.
3. Joel Wolf. Working women, working men: São Paulo and the rise of Brazil's industrial working class, 1900-1955 = Working women, working men: São Paulo and the rise of Brazil's industrial working class, 1900-1955. - Duke University Press, 1993. (English)
4. S.E. Maurice. Chapter 12 // Fleet of the Two Oceans (American Navy in World War II) = The Two Ocean War. - Ekaterinburg: Mirror, 1998.
5. 1 2 IBGE statistics for the 20th century, “Values ​​of exports, imports and import capacity.” (port.)
6. Robert Jackson Alexander, Eldon M. Parker. History of organized labor in Brazil = A history of organized labor in Brazil. - 2003. - ISBN 0-275-97738-2. (English)

Links

• (port.) - a site dedicated to Brazilian military aviation in World War II.
• (port.)
• (port.) - museum in Curitiba.
• (English) (port.) - site about the Brazilian air squad in Italy.
• (port.) - unofficial website of the Association of Veterans of the Brazilian Expeditionary Force.

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