Using theoretical methods of pedagogical research. Methods of pedagogical research

Base socialist revolution was internal Russia with its industrial and cultural-political centers. During the first days of the revolution - from October 25 to October 31 (November 7-13), 1917 - the power of the Soviets was established in 16 provincial centers, and by the end of November - in all the most important industrial centers and on the main fronts active army. The workers of Petrograd, Moscow and other proletarian centers played a major role in the establishment of Soviet power locally. The Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee sent more than 600 agitators, 106 commissars and 61 instructors to various provinces. The Soviet government sent about 10 thousand workers to the villages to carry out revolutionary work.

The establishment of Soviet power in various regions of the country had its own characteristics. In a number of large industrial and political centers countries where the Soviets, even during the preparation of the socialist revolution, went over to the side of the Bolsheviks and were actually masters of the situation, Soviet power was established quickly and mostly peacefully. This was the case in Lugansk, Ivanovo-Voznesensk and the entire Ivanovo-Kineshma working district, in Yekaterinburg, Ufa, most other cities of the Urals, in the cities of the Volga region - Nizhny Novgorod, Samara, Tsaritsyn. But in some cities the counter-revolution imposed armed struggle on the workers and peasants.

The establishment of Soviet power in the vast territories of Siberia and the Far East took place under difficult conditions. Here, due to the absence of landownership and developed industry, class struggle It hasn't been this acute yet. The village was dominated by a strong layer of kulaks. The few workers were scattered across isolated industrial oases, mainly along the Siberian railway. There were few Bolshevik organizations; Among the workers and especially among the peasants, the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks still enjoyed significant influence. In Omsk, Irkutsk, Chita and other places, until the fall of 1917, there were united social democratic organizations, which included Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, which also slowed down the struggle for Soviet power.

Under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Party, the Bolsheviks of Siberia and the Far East in short term created militant organizations and turned around successful fight for the victory of the socialist revolution. On October 29 (November 11), Soviet power was established in Krasnoyarsk, and on November 29 (December 12) - in Vladivostok. Having defeated the counter-revolutionary forces in armed struggle, on November 30 (December 13) the Omsk Council took power into its own hands. December 10(23) III Regional Congress of Soviets Western Siberia, which met in Omsk, proclaimed the establishment of Soviet power throughout Western Siberia. With the support of the Red Guard detachments of Krasnoyarsk and other cities, the workers of Irkutsk at the end of December 1917 defeated the White Guards who rebelled against Soviet power. On December 6 (19), power passed to the Council in Khabarovsk. On December 14 (27), the III Regional Congress of Soviets of the Far East, which met there, adopted a declaration on the transfer of all power to the Soviets in the Primorsky and Amur regions. By the end of January 1918, the so-called Siberian Regional Duma, which claimed power in Siberia, was liquidated and expelled from Tomsk. The victory of Soviet power in Siberia and Far East consolidated by the Second All-Siberian Congress of Soviets, held in February 1918 in Irkutsk.

The defeat of the Cossack counter-revolution on the Don, led by Ataman Kaledin, required great efforts from the Soviet government. Having declared the Don Troops’ disobedience to the Soviet government, Kaledin took the path open war against Soviet power. The leaders of the Russian counter-revolution - Miliukov, Kornilov, Denikin and their accomplices - rushed to the Don. Kaledin established contacts with the counter-revolutionary Cossacks of Kuban, Terek, Astrakhan, with the Cossack ataman Dutov in Orenburg and other counter-revolutionary forces. The imperialist states sent Kaledin money and weapons.

The governments of England, France and the United States hoped to overthrow Soviet power with Kaledin's help. United States Secretary of State Lansing wrote in a report to President Wilson: “The most organized force capable of putting an end to Bolshevism and strangling the government is the group of General Kaledin... Its defeat will mean the transfer of the entire country into the hands of the Bolsheviks... It is necessary to strengthen the hope among Kaledin’s allies that they will receive moral and financial assistance from our government if their movement becomes strong enough.”

American financiers, the French and British governments provided Kaledin with large sums of money to organize an anti-Soviet rebellion. The American Red Cross mission tried to transport armored cars and vehicles to the Don. At the same time, with the money of foreign imperialists, the tsarist generals Alekseev and Kornilov began forming the White Guard, the so-called volunteer army.

Kaledin managed to capture Rostov-on-Don in November, and then Taganrog. Having established a regime of bloody terror in these cities, Kaledin announced that he intended to launch a campaign against Moscow.

The Soviet government sent Red Guard detachments and revolutionary units from Moscow, Petrograd and Donbass to defeat Kaledin. The Bolshevik Party launched explanatory work among the Cossacks. In January, a congress of front-line Cossacks took place in the village of Kamenskaya. It was attended by representatives of the Central Committee and the Rostov Underground Committee of the Bolshevik Party. The congress recognized Soviet power, formed the Don Revolutionary Committee headed by the Cossack F. G. Podtelkov, and elected a delegation to the upcoming III All-Russian Congress of Soviets and declared war on Kaledin. Kaledin found himself attacked from the front and rear. Convinced that the situation was hopeless, Kaledin shot himself.

In early February, the workers of Taganrog rebelled and established Soviet power in the city. Detachments of the Red Guard came close to Rostov and Novocherkassk. February 24 Soviet troops They took Rostov, and a day later Novocherkassk. Soviet power was established on the Don.

Together with the Russian people, numerous peoples of the national borderlands of Russia selflessly fought for the establishment of Soviet power. Uniting revolutionary forces various peoples and the nationalities of Russia were ensured by Lenin’s national policy. Its basic principles were legally enshrined in the Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia, adopted by the Council of People's Commissars on November 2 (15), 1917. The Declaration proclaimed the equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia, their right to free self-determination, up to the separation and formation of an independent state, the abolition of all national and national-religious privileges and restrictions, free development national minorities And ethnic groups, inhabiting the territory of Russia. In the appeal “To all working Muslims of Russia and the East”, in the Manifesto to to the Ukrainian people and other acts, the Soviet government clearly showed the radical, fundamental difference its liberation national policy from the policies of the Provisional Government.

The policy of proletarian internationalism rallied the working people of all nations around Soviet power. However, the peculiarities of the socio-economic and political development of the national outskirts affected the course of the struggle for the establishment of Soviet power. The socialist revolution met here with fierce resistance from bourgeois-nationalist organizations that arose even before October Revolution(Ukrainian and Belarusian Radas, Kurultai in Crimea, Alash-Orda in Kazakhstan, etc.), which now, having created counter-revolutionary nationalist “governments” and hiding behind the flag of the struggle for national independence, declared war on Soviet power. Active counter-revolutionary elements who rushed here after the October Revolution formed a bloc with bourgeois nationalists and tried to turn national regions into centers of counter-revolution. Revolutionary forces They also experienced incomparably greater pressure from foreign imperialists in the national regions than in the center. The difficulties of the struggle for Soviet power were also associated with the absence or small number of the proletariat and the weakness of the Bolshevik organizations, which in turn led to a relatively greater influence of the conciliatory and nationalist parties on the working masses.

Soviet power quickly won in the part of Belarus and the Baltic states not occupied by the Germans. On the territory of Belarus, in Mogilev, there were the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, the bourgeois-nationalist Belarusian Rada, large number counter-revolutionary formations, the corps of General Dovbor-Musnitsky, formed from Poles - military personnel of the old army, shock battalions, etc. These counter-revolutionary forces posed a serious threat to Soviet power, since they could be used against Petrograd and Moscow at any moment. But they did not have any support among the people. Bolshevik organizations of Belarus and Western Front even on the eve of the October Revolution had a majority in the Soviets and soldiers' committees, which allowed the Minsk Council to take power in the city into its own hands on October 25 (November 7), 1917. Soon this was done by Gomel, Mogilev, Vitebsk and other Soviets. As the Executive Committee of the Soviets indicated in its report to the Soviet government Western region, the transfer of power to the Soviets in all more or less major points took only two weeks.

In the second half of November, a regional congress of Soviets of workers' and soldiers' deputies, a front-line congress and a congress of peasant councils took place in Minsk. Representatives of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party, the Council of People's Commissars and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee G.K. Ordzhonikidze and V. Volodarsky participated in the work of these congresses. In Belarus, the Council of People's Commissars of the Western Region was formed, headed by a prominent figure of the Bolshevik Party A.F. Myasnikov.

The struggle for the establishment of Soviet power in the unoccupied part of the Baltic States ended successfully. On October 24 (November 6) an uprising began in Reval (Tallinn), and on October 26 (November 8) the Military Revolutionary Committee published an appeal about the victory of the revolution and the establishment of Soviet power in Estonia. In Latvia, in the city of Valk (Valga), on December 16-17 (29-30), under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, a congress of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Farmers' Deputies was held. The congress elected the first Soviet government of Latvia.

The working people of Ukraine strongly supported the initiative of the Russian proletariat. The revolutionary workers and soldiers of Kyiv already on October 25 (November 7) came out with a demand for the immediate transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets. But in response to this, counter-revolutionary representatives of the Provisional Government published an appeal calling for a fight against Soviet power.

The working class of Ukraine, under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, rose to defend the Soviets. Workers of the Arsenal plant, the 3rd aircraft park and other enterprises in Kyiv insisted on taking decisive measures against the counter-revolution. On October 27 (November 9), at a joint meeting of the Council of Workers' Deputies and the Council of Soldiers' Deputies, the Military Revolutionary Committee was created. The next day its members were arrested, but this blow did not break the will of the masses. A new revolutionary committee was formed, under whose leadership the workers and revolutionary soldiers of Kyiv began an armed uprising on October 29 (November 11). In three days of fighting they suppressed resistance to the counter-revolution. However, the Central Rada summoned regiments from the front that were under the influence of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists, and, having created a superiority in forces, seized power in Kyiv. The Rada, with the help of demagoguery, attracted to its side a significant part of the peasantry, mainly the wealthy, and proclaimed its power over the whole of Ukraine. On November 7 (20), she published the so-called Third Universal, in which she declared disobedience to the Soviet government of Russia. The Rada entered into an agreement with the commander Romanian Front General Shcherbachev on the merger of Romanian and Southwestern Fronts into a single Ukrainian Front under the command of the same Shcherbachev and entered into an alliance with Ataman Kaledin.

The hostile actions of the Central Rada forced the Council of People's Commissars to present it with December 4 (17). 1917 ultimatum demanding to stop the disorganization of the front, not to allow counter-revolutionary units to enter the Don, to renounce the alliance with Kaledin, to return weapons to the revolutionary regiments and Red Guard detachments in Ukraine. The Soviet government warned the Rada that if it did not receive a satisfactory answer, it would consider the Rada in a state of open war with Soviet power. At the same time, the Council of People's Commissars, in a manifesto to the Ukrainian people, recognized the independence of Ukraine and
exposed the counter-revolutionary character of the Rada, its anti-Soviet and anti-national policies.

The Rada did not give a satisfactory answer to the ultimatum of the Soviet government and turned for support to the governments of the Entente countries, who hastened to recognize it and come to its aid. Popular masses Ukraine was convinced from experience that the Rada is an organ of the dictatorship of the nationalist Ukrainian bourgeoisie, a servant of foreign capital.

A fire broke out in Ukraine people's struggle against the Rada and its imperialist patrons. The revolutionary Donbass did not recognize the power of the Rada. The Kharkov Bolsheviks, under the leadership of a member of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party Artem (F.A. Sergeev), having suppressed the local counter-revolution and established Soviet power in the city, set out together with the Donbass Soviets to fight for Soviet power throughout Ukraine.

On December 11 (24), 1917, the First Congress of Soviets of Ukraine opened in Kharkov. On December 12 (25), he proclaimed Soviet power in Ukraine, elected the Central Executive Committee and formed the Soviet Government of Ukraine - the People's Secretariat, which included Artem (F. A. Sergeev), E. B. Bosh, Yu. M. Kotsyubinsky and other. The congress announced the establishment of a close union between Soviet Ukraine and Soviet Russia. The Council of People's Commissars of the Russian Republic welcomed the Soviet government of Ukraine and promised it full support in the fight against counter-revolution.

Soviet power won in Ekaterinoslav, Odessa, Chernigov and a number of other Ukrainian cities. On January 16 (29), 1918, a new armed uprising began in Kyiv. This made the task easier for the revolutionary detachments advancing on Kyiv. On January 26 (February 8) they captured Kyiv. The Rada fled to Volyn. Soviet power established itself throughout almost the entire territory of Ukraine, Crimea and Moldova.

At the beginning of 1918, after a stubborn struggle, Soviet power was also established in
many major centers Kuban, Black Sea region, and in March throughout the North Caucasus. Outstanding organizers of the struggle for Soviet power in the North Caucasus were S. G. Buachidze, U. D. Buinaksky, S. M. Kirov, G. K. Ordzhonikidze.

In Transcaucasia, the struggle for Soviet power was particularly complex and protracted. This was due to many reasons: the absence of large industrial centers, except Baku, and the small number of the proletariat; interethnic enmity fueled by the exploiters for a long time; the weakness of local Bolshevik organizations and great activity long-established bourgeois-nationalist parties, which, with the help of nationalist and social demagoguery, acquired significant influence on the masses; direct intervention of foreign imperialists.

In Baku, the proletarian center of Transcaucasia, where the workers’ struggle was led by a strong Bolshevik organization headed by S. G. Shaumyan, P. A. Japaridze, M. Azyzbekov and others, Soviet power was established on October 31 (November 13). The Soviets soon won almost all of Azerbaijan. But on November 15 (28), counter-revolutionary nationalist parties - Georgian Mensheviks, Armenian Dashnaks and Azerbaijani Musavatists - with the direct support of foreign imperialists, created their own body of bourgeois power in Tbilisi, the so-called Transcaucasian Commissariat. They launched fierce anti-Soviet propaganda, organized with the help White Guard generals and foreign agents, armed gangs villainously shot revolutionary soldiers returning from the Turkish Front in January 1918.

The struggle for Soviet power in Transcaucasia dragged on for a long time. The working people of Transcaucasia completed it victoriously only in 1920-1921.

In the Urals Cossack chieftain Dutov raised in December 1917 in the Orenburg region anti-Soviet rebellion. He was supported by the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, the bourgeoisie and landowners, Kazakh and Bashkir nationalists, and foreign imperialists. Having captured Orenburg, Dutov cut off Central Asia from Soviet Russia and created a threat to the existence of Soviet power in industrial centers Urals and Volga region. Dutov tried to establish direct contact with Kaledin.

The Soviet government sent detachments of Red Guards, revolutionary sailors and soldiers from Petrograd and Moscow to fight Dutov. The workers of the Urals, Volga region, Central Asia, Kazakhstan. A prominent member of the Bolshevik organization in the Urals, P. A. Kobozev, was appointed extraordinary commissar for the fight against Dutovism.

On January 18 (31), 1918, revolutionary troops, with the support of the rebel workers, captured Orenburg and defeated the Cossack counter-revolution. Dutov with a handful of his followers disappeared into the Turgai steppe. The Council of Workers', Soldiers', Peasants' and Cossacks' Deputies took control of power in Orenburg.

The defeat of Dutov's troops played a big role in the establishment of Soviet power in Kazakhstan and Central Asia.

In Central Asia, the center of the socialist revolution was Tashkent. On October 28 (November 10), 1917, railway workers and revolutionary soldiers rose up in armed struggle. Fierce fighting raged in the city for four days. Fighting squads from a number of cities in Central Asia and Kazakhstan arrived to help the rebel workers of Tashkent. On October 31 (November 13), the armed uprising in Tashkent was victorious. The power of the Turkestan Committee of the Provisional Government fell. At the III Regional Congress of Soviets held in mid-November in Tashkent, the Soviet government was formed - the Council of People's Commissars of Turkestan.

The different balance of class forces in different regions of Central Asia and Kazakhstan led to the fact that in some cities and regions the struggle for Soviet power dragged on for several months. Basically, this process was completed by March 1918, when the main forces and centers of the bourgeois-nationalist counter-revolution in Central Asia (Kokand Autonomy) and Kazakhstan (Alash Horde), as well as the Ural, Orenburg and Semirechensk White Cossacks were defeated.

Thus, in the period from October 1917 to March 1918, Soviet power was established throughout almost the entire territory of Russia. Characterizing this triumphal procession, V.I. Lenin wrote: “A wave of civil war, and everywhere we won with extraordinary ease precisely because the fruit was ripe, because the masses had already gone through all the experience of coming to terms with the bourgeoisie. Our slogan “All power to the Soviets”, practically tested by the masses over a long period of time historical experience, became their flesh and blood."

) people's deputies. Existed in Russia from 1917 By 1991

Russia. Large linguistic and cultural dictionary. - M.: State Institute Russian language named after. A.S. Pushkin. AST-Press. T.N. Chernyavskaya, K.S. Miloslavskaya, E.G. Rostova, O.E. Frolova, V.I. Borisenko, Yu.A. Vyunov, V.P. Chudnov. 2007 .

SOVIET AUTHORITY- full power of the working people of the city and countryside represented by the Soviets, which are state bodies. authorities in the USSR. The essence of Soviet power, as he defined it in his speech. What is Soviet power? V.I. Lenin, is that ... only workers, only working people... ... Soviet historical encyclopedia

Soviet power- power vested in the Councils of Workers and Peasants, who elect at annual congresses the Central Executive Committee (CEC) to manage the internal and external affairs of the Republic; in the localities, power belongs to those elected in the same way... ... Popular Political Dictionary

Soviet power- ... Wikipedia

Strong... Soviet power (and how do non-party people drink it?)- (said after drinking a glass of alcohol) about the strength alcoholic drink … Live speech. Dictionary of colloquial expressions

Strong.... Soviet power!- Exclamation after drinking, confirmation of the sufficient strength of the drink... Dictionary of folk phraseology

STRONG SOVIET POWER (AND HOW DO NON-PARTY PEOPLE DRINK IT?)- adj. Pronounced after drinking a strong alcoholic drink... Dictionary modern colloquial phraseological units and proverbs

The power of the councils- Soviet Power Councils, elected by the population for a certain term, are collegial representative bodies of public power in the Soviet Republic. In Soviet Russia and the USSR from November 7, 1917 to October 9, 1993, as well as in some other countries ... Wikipedia

Soviet Republic of Sailors and Builders- December 1917 February 26 ... Wikipedia

POWER- POWER, authorities, plural. authorities, authorities, wives 1. units only The right and opportunity to subordinate something to someone’s will, to control someone’s actions. State power. Parental authority. Legislative branch. Executive power... ... Ushakov's Explanatory Dictionary

Books

• Soviets and Soviet power in Russia, K. M. Oberuchev. This book will be produced in accordance with your order using Print-on-Demand technology. Reproduced in the original author's spelling of the 1919 edition (Narodopravostvo publishing house... Buy for 1,741 rubles
• Stalin and the Patriarch. The Orthodox Church and Soviet Power 1917-1958, Adriano Roccucci. Specialist in modern history, Professor A. Roccucci in his book examines the relationship between the supreme leaders of the Russian and then Soviet state and the Russian Orthodox...

SOVIET AUTHORITY

Soviet power as a form of proletarian dictatorship.

Our party was the first to put forward and implement the demands of Soviet power. Under the slogan: “All power to the Soviets!” the great October Revolution of 1917 took place. Before this slogan was put forward by our party, it did not exist at all. But this does not mean that it was invented “out of my head.” On the contrary, he arose, he was born in the midst of life itself.
Back in the revolution of 1905-1906. class organizations of workers arose: Soviets of Workers' Deputies. In the revolution of 1917, these organizations arose in immeasurable larger size; Councils of workers, soldiers, and then peasants sprang up like mushrooms almost everywhere. It was clear that these councils, which acted as bodies of struggle for power, would inevitably become bodies of power.
Before the Russian Revolution of 1917, they talked a lot about the proletarian dictatorship, but, in essence, they did not know in what form this proletarian dictatorship would be implemented. Now the Russian revolution found this form in the form of Soviet power. The Soviet government exercises the dictatorship of the proletariat, organized as the ruling class in its own places and suppressing, with the help of the peasantry, the resistance of the bourgeoisie and landowners.
Many people used to think that the dictatorship of the proletariat was possible in the form of a so-called “democratic republic”, which should be established by a constituent assembly and which would be governed by a parliament elected by all classes of the people. And to this day the opportunists and social compromisers still hold the same opinion, saying that only the founding and democratic republic can save the country from a difficult civil war.
However, real life shows something different. In Germany, for example, after the revolution in November 1918, such a republic was established. But there, both during 1918 and throughout 1919, there was bloody fight. In this struggle, the working class constantly comes out with a demand for Soviet power. The slogan of Soviet power has become a valid international slogan of the proletariat. In all countries the workers expose it and associate with it the slogan of workers' dictatorship. Life has confirmed the correctness of our demand: “All power to the Soviets!” not only here in Russia, but in all countries where there is a proletariat.

Proletarian and bourgeois democracy

A bourgeois democratic republic is based on universal suffrage and the so-called “nationwide”, “nationwide” “non-class” will. Supporters of a bourgeois-democratic republic, constituents, etc. tell us that we are violating the general will of the nation. Let's look at this question first.
Modern society, as we know, consists of classes with conflicting interests. This means that while the bourgeoisie benefits from long working hours, it does not benefit the working class, and so on. Classes cannot be reconciled, just as wolves and sheep cannot be reconciled. Wolves love to eat sheep, sheep need to defend themselves against wolves. If this is so (and it is certainly so), then the question is: can a common will be established between wolves and sheep? Is it possible to establish a sheep-wolf will? Any reasonable person will say that this is nonsense. There cannot be a common will of sheep and wolves. It could be one of two things: either the will of the wolf, which enslaved the sheep, deceived and oppressed, or the will of the sheep, which fought off the sheep from the wolves and killed the predators. There can be no middle ground here.
But the same thing obviously happens with classes. IN modern society class stands against class, the bourgeoisie against the proletariat, the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. They are on knives. What kind of common will can they have, bourgeois-worker? It is clear that there cannot be bourgeois-worker desires and aspirations, just like wolf-sheep ones. It could be either the will of the bourgeoisie, which imposes its will in different ways the oppressed majority of the people, or the will of the proletariat, which imposes its will on the bourgeoisie. It is especially stupid to talk about interclass will and “national interests” during the civil war, revolution, when old world bursting at all the seams. Here the proletariat wants to remake the world, the bourgeoisie wants to consolidate the old slavery.
What kind of “common” will can the bourgeoisie and the proletariat have? It is clear that these very words about the will of the whole people, when this means all classes, are a deception. Such general will does not exist and cannot exist.
But this deception is needed by the bourgeoisie. She needs him in order to justify her dominance. She is a minority. She cannot openly say that a handful of capitalists rule. Therefore, she needs the deception that she rules on behalf of “the whole people”, “all classes”, “the whole nation” and the like.
How is this deception carried out in a “democratic republic”? Main reason The fact that the proletariat is enslaved here is its economic enslavement. Even in the most democratic republic, factories and factories are in the hands of capitalists, the land is in the hands of capitalists and landowners. The worker has nothing but his hands, the poor peasant has an insignificant piece of land. They are always forced to work in terrible conditions, they are under the thumb of their masters. On paper they can do a lot, but in reality they can do nothing, because all the wealth, the power of capital, is in the hands of their enemies. This is the so-called bourgeois democracy.
A bourgeois republic also exists in the United States. States of America, and Switzerland, and France. But in all these countries the most vile imperialists, the kings of trusts and banks, are in power, worst enemies working class. The most democratic republic that existed in 1919 was the German Republic with its founding. But, after all, this was the republic of the murderers of Karl Liebknecht.
Soviet power is implementing a new, much more perfect, type of democracy - proletarian democracy. The essence of this proletarian democracy is that it is based on the transfer of the means of production into the hands of the working people, that is, on the weakening of the bourgeoisie; in it it is precisely the previously oppressed masses and their organizations that become governing bodies. Organizations of workers and peasants also existed under the capitalist system; they, therefore, exist in bourgeois-democratic republics. But they are overwritten there by the organizations of the rich. On the contrary, under proletarian democracy the rich have no wealth. And mass organizations of workers, semi-proletarian peasants, etc. (councils, unions, factory committees, etc.) become the real basis of proletarian state power. In the constitution Soviet Republic in the first place is the position: “Russia is a Republic of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies. All power in the center and locally belongs to these Soviets.”
Soviet democracy not only does not eliminate workers' organizations from management, but, on the contrary, it turns them into management bodies. And since the soviets and other organizations of the working class and peasantry embrace millions of working people, Soviet power for the first time raises to new tasks countless numbers of people who were previously forgotten and were swarming below. IN general work through councils, through trade unions, through factory committees, more and more broad masses of the people, workers and poor peasants are included. This happens everywhere. In provincial towns and villages, people who would never have done this before are starting to get involved in the business of managing and building a new life. Thus, the Soviet government exercises both broad self-government of different localities and the involvement of the broad masses in this work.
It is clear that the task of our party is the full development of this new, proletarian democracy. We must strive to ensure that, if possible, the broadest strata of proletarians and poor peasants work in the bodies of Soviet power.
Comrade Lenin, in one of his brochures, published even before the October Revolution, correctly wrote that our task is to teach even every cook to run the state. Of course, this task is very difficult and there are many obstacles on the way to its implementation. First of all, these obstacles lie in the insufficient cultural level of the masses. Frontline workers are comparatively thin layer. These are, for example, metalheads. But there are backward layers, and even more so in the villages. They often do not have sufficient initiative, and then they can be left behind. The task of our party is the systematic, step-by-step involvement of these layers in the overall work of the state. It is possible, of course, to raise more and more new layers to it only by raising their cultural level and organization, which is exactly the task of the party.

Soviet communism (Bolshevism) is a social formation (a form of existence of society) that ensures equality of citizens in rights and responsibilities in the interests of the development of the individual and society.

Communism excludes deriving individual benefit from human relations. Public benefit always has top priority over personal (private) benefit! Personal benefit is identified with public benefit.

The main rules of the social way of life of the Eastern Slavs were as follows: to live for the common benefit (if it’s good for everyone, then it’s good for me), to live according to conscience and without deception, to live by mutual assistance, mutual assistance, empathy, compassion, selflessness (perish yourself, but help your comrade).

Building a communist society is constant process! Building communism is not building a house! Building a communist society implies, first of all, building a collective educational and educational processes in society from generation to generation of Soviet citizens.

In the USSR, the main sources of mass suffering and fear were eliminated - poverty, unemployment, homelessness, hunger, criminal and ethnic violence, as well as mass death in wars with a stronger enemy.

- not the method of production and distribution material goods, and this is the process of building comprehensive, honest human relationships between people. It is clear to absolutely everyone that if people are honest among themselves, then there will never be problems in the production and distribution of material goods. Soviet power, that is, councils endowed with full state power, refers precisely to the form of government on the basis of comprehensive, honest human relations!

Soviet Power existed from the moment man appeared on the planet. In Russia before 1905, no one knew about it, and no one wanted to know, except for those who used this power in everyday life- Russian (Ukrainian, Belarusian) peasants. The power of the nobles and priests at the level of the entire country was supplemented by the power of the Soviets at the level of each village, but neither the priests nor the nobles were interested in it.

During the revolution of 1905, when the government responded to the strike movement with bullets, workers not only seized power in individual enterprises, but also in towns, cities and entire provinces, and here for the first time an unprecedented event was revealed to the general public (for the general public, but not for workers) the power of the Soviets.

The revolutionary movement was led mainly by the same nobles and priests, and for revolutionaries, especially Marxists, Soviet power was the same surprise as for the rest of the public. Nevertheless, they quickly found their bearings, and the slogan “All power to the Soviets” (as highest form people's democracy - not to be confused with bourgeois - current - democracy) was put forward by the Bolshevik Party in 1917. The October Revolution realized this slogan in full. Soviet power was overthrown during a coup d'etat in 1993.

Soviet power is the extension of the relations of peasant society to the entire state. Soviet power is a proven tool for building an honest and just society.

For the first time in the world, state power is built here in Russia in such a way that only workers, only working peasants, excluding exploiters, constitute mass organizations - Soviets, and all state power is transferred to these Soviets.

- Lenin, “What is Soviet power?”

The Soviets arose (became known to the general literate public) during the 1905 revolution. Soviets arose as a form of power. They were the centers of organizing the order of the new revolutionary power instead of the power of the tsarist administration. Fighting crime urban farming, organizing the work of enterprises, the fight against hunger, the city’s economy - these were the areas of activity of the first councils, which were far from complete.

The Soviets were seen by many parties, but it was Lenin who saw them as a form of workers' power. Before the advent of the Soviets, Marxists discussed forms of power - based on Marx's theory and practice Paris Commune. The Soviets declared themselves almost throughout the country - in a matter of days, Soviets arose in all corners Tsarist Russia. They arose as a completely ready-made form of power, effectively operating power, having the same structure throughout the country. Taking into account that not a single political party before the advent of the Soviets suspected the possibility of such a form of power, we can conclude that the Soviets have always been (for centuries) in the Russian village, were a secret to royal power and are oldest form Russian authorities.

The main thing is 1. This form of power has been in the village for a long time (a trace of primitive communes)

2. It was not heard of in Europe until 1905.

4. Organizes all aspects of life.

5. Reacts mobilely to all possible everyday problems.

6. Acts not in the interests of the minority, but of the entire population - the majority.

7. Even after typing in supreme council It was impossible for the perestroika traitors to destroy Soviet power; the White House had to be shot in 1993.

The strength and effectiveness of the Soviets were noticed in the 1905 revolution by many politicians, and in 1917 the bourgeoisie decided to block the possibility of real Soviet power, and created the Petrosoviet almost simultaneously with the provisional government. The Pertrosoviet was headed by the same representatives of the provisional government.

Peasant society.

The peasants of each estate constituted a rural society (mirs), an analogue of this word in English- community.

Allotment land did not belong to a separate courtyard, but to society (the world). The affairs of society (the world) were in charge of the village assembly (council), in which all householders - heads of families - participated.

The assembly (council) distributed allotments, resolved everyday economic issues (for example, agricultural work), resolved family divisions, collected arrears, and allowed the issuance of a passport to those going to work.

There was a mutual guarantee in the community: the whole world paid for the defaulter.

There were no abandoned orphans or old people in rural society (the world). Social security guaranteed rural society (peace) to every peasant. If someone had a problem, they helped everyone (for example, if a house burns down, the family of the fire victim will go “around the world,” that is, they will live with their neighbors until the whole world builds a new house).

In rural society, peasants for deception, theft and usury were expelled from society by decision of the assembly (council). Those who profited from rural society through usury were called world eaters.

Although the tools of labor were privately owned by the peasants, in rural society (the world) it was customary to act on the principle of mutual assistance when carrying out agricultural work.

The peasant gathering decided how the entire peasant community (society, world) would live:

The USSR is a society without crises:

Physically, the USSR cannot be defeated. The USSR won the Psychological War:

The emergence of Soviet power in Russia during the revolution of 1905 was a surprise, a surprise, both for the revolutionaries and for the authorities. V.I. Lenin drew attention to the fact that the people themselves created (without the participation of political strategists) a form of power that was and to this day remains the most democratic of all other forms of power.

After the outbreak of the civil war, inspired by the British, French and Americans in July 1918, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, supported by the Mensheviks and others, carried out an armed uprising against Soviet power, and most representatives of these parties were forced to leave the Soviets.

Therefore, the Great October Revolution of 1917 took place under the slogan “All power to the Soviets.”Some people who are mistaken believe that the Bolsheviks came to power. No, the Soviets came to power, and the Bolsheviks were members of the Soviets along with other parties (Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, etc.).

Soviet power lasted until October 1993, when another anti-Soviet coup was carried out.

Rare newsreel of V.I. Lenin:

WHAT IS SOVIET AUTHORITY?

What is Soviet power? What is the essence of this new government, which most countries still do not want or cannot understand?

Its essence, which attracts the workers of each country more and more, is that before the state was ruled in one way or another by the rich or capitalists, and now for the first time the state is ruled, and in large numbers, by precisely those classes whom capitalism oppressed .

Even in the most democratic, even in the freest republic, as long as the dominance of capital remains, as long as the land remains in private ownership, the state is always governed by a small minority, nine-tenths taken from capitalists or from the rich.

For the first time in the world, state power has been built in Russia in such a way that only workers, only working peasants, excluding exploiters, constitute mass organizations - Soviets, and all state power is transferred to these Soviets.

That is why, no matter how representatives of the bourgeoisie slander Russia in all countries, and everywhere in the world, the word “Council” has not only become understandable, it has become popular, it has become loved by the workers, by all working people. And that is why the Soviet government, no matter what the persecution of supporters of communism in different countries, Soviet power will inevitably, inevitably and in the near future win throughout the world.

We know very well that we still have many shortcomings in the organization of Soviet power. Soviet power is not a wonderful talisman. It does not immediately cure the shortcomings of the past, illiteracy, lack of culture, the legacy of a savage war, the legacy of predatory capitalism. But it makes it possible to move to socialism. It makes it possible for those who have been oppressed to rise up and take more and more into their own hands the entire administration of the state, the entire management of the economy, the entire management of production.

Soviet power is the path to socialism, found by the masses of working people and therefore true and therefore invincible.

You need to know this! The difference between the CPSU (b) and the CPSU.

Relations between the CPSU and Soviet power. In 1953, the CPSU committed a crime. The CPSU was created on the remnants of the CPSU (b). Stalin, Beria, Abakumov and many other honest and selfless people were killed. From that moment on, dual power arose. The CPSU, hiding behind Soviet power, committed its crimes against Soviet people— preparing the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The CPSU hid behind the Soviet government and successfully discredited it in the eyes of the Soviet people. People remember the crimes committed by the CPSU, but consider these crimes to be Soviet ones. People remember good things, but consider them to be the result of the work of the CPSU. The CPSU worked against Soviet power. The CPSU (b) worked for the Soviet government.

Time for giants!

I heard a legend that once upon a time
Our country was inhabited by giants.
As if living a strange fate:
We were ready to work and to fight.

***

From lack of bread and meat
They raved about Marx, Victory and Mars,
Snowy taiga, gloomy Arctic,
Bright stars above Baikonur,
A hot flame, a bottomless abyss...
They built mines, dams and blast furnaces.

***

And they were mistaken, and they won.
They were waiting for guests from an unimaginable distance.
Through the cannonade of bloody carnage
We rushed to collapse in the tall grass,
Blackened into snow, into water and clay...
They raised their scarlet flag over Berlin.
Walked from the collective farm onion bed
For the Olympics, Afghanistan, detente.

***

We walked through templates and stencils,
They walked, carrying the planet with them,
A good fairy tale was written in blood.
Even their mistakes were gigantic.

***

Believed, cherishing faith in the heart,
In the infallibility of speeches from the Mausoleum,
They knew that their hammer and sickle were right,
They knew that the world would only be split for a while,
That pain and sorrow will not last forever...

***

But they crushed it. Alas, they shredded...
Their descendants are timidly hiding
In the musty silence of cabinet boxes,
They think in a standard way, they don’t delude themselves into the distance,
They reduce the credit lifeless to debit,
They dream small, rarely think...
There is nothing left of their ancestors in them.

The victory of the October Revolution led to sudden change alignment of political forces in Russia. The proletariat has become ruling class, Bolshevik Party - ruling. The opposition to the new government was made up of the overthrown classes and the representatives of their interests - monarchical, bourgeois and petty bourgeois parties. The entire spectrum of political forces opposing the Bolsheviks was divided into three camps.

First camp

First camp- openly anti-Soviet. It was composed monarchical and bourgeois parties. The party of the liberal bourgeoisie took a tough position - constitutional democrats. Its Central Committee already on October 26, 1917, having met for a meeting, decided on a merciless fight against the Bolsheviks. Armed uprisings against the power of the Soviets forced the Soviet government at the end of November 1917 to adopt the “Decree on the arrest of the leaders of the civil war against the revolution.”

Second camp

In second camp included right Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, who relied on the peasantry, middle strata of workers and other groups of the population. The political line of the Right Socialist Revolutionary Party, aimed at preparing an armed uprising with the aim of overthrowing Soviet power and replacing it with a Constituent Assembly, clearly emerged. The Mensheviks did not abandon the parliamentary republic, but they also did not reject violent methods of overthrowing Soviet power.

The Right SRs assigned the role of the main centers of the struggle against Soviet power to the Volga region and Siberia, where they had quite numerous organizations and significant influence among the bulk of the peasant population and part of the workers. It was there, as well as in the North, in Transcaspian region and Turkestan, the Social Revolutionaries, together with the Mensheviks, led the movement against Soviet power.

Third camp

Third camp were those who, together with the Bolsheviks, took part in the October Revolution. This left socialist revolutionaries and anarchists. At the same time, we note that the Left Socialist Revolutionaries went through a complex political evolution from supporting Soviet power to fighting against it.

The transfer of power in Russia into the hands of the Bolsheviks took place both peacefully and armedly. It is worth noting that it took a period from October 1917 to March 1918

IN Moscow Soviet power was established November 3 after bloody battles. The sailors who arrived from Kronstadt fought with officers and cadets who occupied the Kremlin on the orders of the head of the City Duma, Socialist Revolutionary Rudnev, and Colonel Ryabtsev, commander of the Moscow Military District.

October 27 A.F. Kerensky and General P.N. Krasnov organized the attack Cossack detachment(700 people) to Petrograd. The offensive was stopped. Bid Supreme High Command in Mogilev was defeated, and in order to block anti-Soviet actions on the fronts, the Council people's commissars appointed Supreme Commander N.V. Krylenko instead of the displaced N.N. Dukhonina.

The victory of the revolution in Petrograd and Moscow had crucial to establish Soviet power throughout the country. It established itself relatively easily in industrial areas. As a result, only towards the end November 1917. Soviet power won in almost 30 provincial cities of European Russia.

A fierce armed struggle for the establishment of Soviet power took place in the areas where the Cossacks, a privileged military class, lived. To the Don, North Caucasus, Southern Urals White officers and generals, leaders of monarchist and bourgeois parties fled from the center of Russia.

For these and other reasons, the establishment of Soviet power in these areas occurred exclusively at the beginning of 1918. Under unusual conditions, Soviet power was established throughout Siberia and the Far East.

Earlier than in other national regions, the revolution won in the Baltic states and Belarus.

In more difficult conditions, the struggle for the Soviets took place in Ukraine, the Caucasus, Moldova, Central Asia, and Kazakhstan. The confrontation here dragged on for several months, until the spring of 1918.

Generally, from October 25, 1917 to February - March 1918 Soviet power was established throughout almost the entire territory of Russia.

Serious political crisis The Soviet government experienced in the very first days of its existence, when the All-Russian Executive Committee of the Railway Workers' Trade Union ( Vikzhel) with the support Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries demanded in an ultimatum that, in order to avoid civil war, it recognizes as legitimate a socialist government in which all socialist parties from the Bolsheviks to the People's Socialists (SRs) should take part. The Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party was forced to negotiate with the Vikzhel. At the negotiations, the delegation of the Bolshevik Central Committee, contrary to the party decision, supported the ideas of Vikzhel on the creation of a government, in which the Bolsheviks were assigned a secondary role.

Disagreements arose among the leadership of the Bolshevik Party. L.B. Kamenev, G.Z. Zinoviev, A.I. Rykov and others left the Central Committee, and some of the people's commissars left the government. Ya.M. was appointed to the post of chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Sverdlov.

The Extraordinary All-Russian Congress of Railway Workers, held in December 1917, spoke out for support of the Soviet government. An agreement was reached on the inclusion of seven representatives of the left social revolutionaries (SRs) in the Soviet government (Sovnarkom), which accounted for a third of its composition.

Constituent Assembly

In the elections in Constituent Assembly, held in mid-November 1917, about 50 took part political parties Russia; the Bolsheviks received 22.5% of the votes; moderate socialist parties - 60.5% (of which over 55% are socialist-revolutionaries); bourgeois parties - 17%. The election results were explained by the fact that they were held according to lists compiled by these parties even before October events. Let us note that now the Left Socialist Revolutionaries have joined the coalition. Thus, it turned out that the bulk of voters voted for a party that no longer existed. This meant that the distribution of seats did not reflect the changes in the balance of political forces in the country that occurred on the eve of and during the October events. At the same time, the idea of ​​convening the Assembly remained popular among the broad masses.

The first and only meeting of the Constituent Assembly elected the leader of the Socialist Revolutionaries V. Chernov as chairman; the candidacy of M. Spiridonova, chairman of the Central Committee of the Right Social Revolutionaries, supported by the Bolsheviks, was rejected by the meeting.

to the Constituent Assembly on the day of its opening - January 5, 1918- it was proposed to approve the approved All-Russian Central Executive Committee “ Declaration of the Rights of Working and Exploited People" It confirmed the most important legislative acts adopted after the victory of the revolution. At the same time, the majority of delegates not only refused to accept the Declaration, but also opposed Soviet power. Then the Bolshevik faction left the meeting. Following her, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, Muslim nationalists and Ukrainian Socialist-Revolutionaries left. On January 6, 1918, by decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Constituent Assembly was dissolved.

At 4 o'clock in the morning the chief of guard, sailor A.G. Zheleznyakov, with the received instructions, demanded that Chernov close the meeting, uttering the now famous phrase “The guard is tired.”

A week later, the All-Russian Congress of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies was held, at which the “Declaration of the Rights of Working and Exploited People” was approved. The congress also approved the law on the socialization of the land and proclaimed the federal principle of government Russian Federative Socialist Republic.