Alexandrovich_2
09.03.2019
Somewhere, somewhere, there is money in Roscosmos. Only they somehow “mysteriously” go to God knows where. In the presence of a huge intellectual potential, one would expect a search for cheaper technologies and the production process space technology. In fact, intellectual power is used to come up with sophisticated schemes for theft of allocated funds.
Alexandrovich_2
09.03.2019
The Pentagon announced the upcoming... (1)
Interesting. and will homosexuals and other transgender people be drafted into service in the American army? How will the statutes change in this regard? You must be prepared to meet these enemies and know what position to put them in.
Pat Simmons
08.03.2019
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation defends the people's right to... (4)
***The video...was widely circulated on January 28th. In the first part of the video, Gorring yells at other players and also threatens a person who appears to have written the word “*****” (fuck) to him in the chat. “I, *****, I swear to you, *****, my dear mother, I will really give you cancer if you “*****”, *****, write me another word<...>I come from a simple life, I am among the lessons, *****, I grew up, among other things, I know how to filter,” said the deputy head of Rosgeologia.
In the next fragment, the top manager calls a woman who is behind the scenes to the microphone and asks her to tell how he fired her (“executed”) and then hired her back. It follows from the conversation that he fired the employee after she bought him plane tickets in business class instead of first class, and then hired him again and sent her to work “in the branch” - with a salary increase and the condition that she would report to him about happening there. Then Gorring, looking at the camera, scolds the woman for talking with colleagues about who he slept with in the company, and then says that he had “four princesses” there. At the end of the video, he mentions that he and his boss are going to meet with billionaire Leonid Mikhelson.***
MiklP
08.03.2019
The head of Roscosmos complained... (2)
On November 24, 2016, a new criminal case of theft was opened at the Khrunichev Center. According to investigators, in 2007-2014, Nesterov, Ostroverkh and Yakushin squandered over 368 million rubles, spending it on the services of an audit company. On December 5, 2016, the property of those accused of fraud at the State Space Research and Production Center named after M.V. Khrunichev was arrested. On August 14, 2017, the Dorogomilovsky court returned the case of embezzlement of more than 368 million rubles to the prosecutor’s office, but on August 15, the prosecutor’s office protested the return of the case from the court.
And that's not all... Just an episode!
And what other funding is needed? In whose pocket?
Alexander Kobelyatsky 08.03.2019
From an article by Artem Krechetnikov and others.
Perhaps no Soviet department has experienced as many reorganizations, divisions and mergers as the Ministry of Internal Affairs. With two exceptions, both of which occurred in the 1990s (Viktor Erin and Vladimir Rushailo), the police have never been led by professionals.
The Ministry of Internal Affairs was headed either by security officers (Yagoda, Beria, Kruglov, Fedorchuk, Nurgaliev) or political appointees (Ezhov, Dudorov, Shchelokov, Vlasov, Bakatin, Pugo, Stepashin, Gryzlov).
Anatoly Kulikov came to the post of minister in 1995 from the post of commander of the internal troops, and did not hide the fact that he considered himself, first of all, the “Minister for Chechen Affairs,” and delegated police issues to his deputies.
The police and the KGB were compared to the king's musketeers and the cardinal's guards, and after the release of Seventeen Moments of Spring - to the departments of Müller and Schellenberg. The difference was that the rivals from the novels of Dumas and Yulian Semenov were in approximately the same position, and the KGB was always clearly superior.
Stepashin.
There was an unspoken but strictly observed rule: a person, at least short time anyone who worked in the police was never accepted into the KGB cadre. There have been transitions in the opposite direction, but usually to a large increase.
The most common word in the vocabulary of KGB officers when it came to police work was “getting dirty.” They considered the policemen ignorant, rude and dishonest, their policemen - snobs and white-handed people.
The workload on KGB operatives and investigators was much less, and they dealt not with representatives of the social bottom, but with the intelligentsia and foreigners.
In the pre-perestroika era, only the KGB had the technical equipment for surveillance. If the police needed to “listen” to someone (most often, when investigating cases of large shadow business and corruption), they had to ask their colleagues for help. They either pretended to be important and made them wait, or they themselves used the information they received and reaped all the laurels.
Kulikov.
Nurgaliev.
The police also did not like the party nomenklatura, but for a different reason. High-ranking apparatchiks were constantly appointed to general positions in the police, counting their experience in Komsomol and party work into officer service.
After working in “general management” for five years, they left with a high pension, and because of this competition, it became almost impossible for professionals to “wait for a hopeless life” (that is, general’s shoulder straps without longitudinal stripes called “clearances”).
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, there were more sympathizers first with Gorbachev and then with Yeltsin in the police than in other law enforcement agencies - not because of their commitment to democracy, but because of the old hostility towards “partocrats” and “committee members” .
The opinion about the corruption of the police was formed back in the 1960s and strengthened significantly in the 1990s, when, according to the police officers themselves, “they stopped paying their salaries, leaving pistols and IDs for food.”
The most harmless form of “conflict of interest” was working as private security guards and couriers in government uniform and with service weapons. This was officially allowed.
Once upon a time, the dream of almost every policeman “from the ground” was to get into the sky-high central office Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR. Then the ministerial personnel officers began to fill vacancies with great difficulty: there were no people willing, even with a promotion, to go to a place from where they could only take home a stack of writing paper.
At dawn Russian reforms businessmen willingly hired former police officers, believing that they might not come up with gunpowder, but they were disciplined, reliable and honest people. Now this opinion has changed to the opposite.
Of course, in Soviet era many policemen, especially from the Obkhss and the State Traffic Inspectorate, did not live on their salaries, but still they did not build three-story mansions and did not drive jeeps.
Stories about the corruption of those years sometimes sound like Christmas stories. In the 1970s, a case involving a traffic cop who was regularly on duty at a busy exit from the city caused a lot of noise in Kyiv. Rumors reached his superiors that he was dishonest. They decided to check on the employee.
A plainclothes operative violated the rules and offered to “negotiate.” The policeman was indignant: “How can it be, I won’t take it! Well, unless... Do you see the “glass” opposite? Treat me to some cognac, otherwise it’s a cool day.”
Further observation showed that the policeman drank like this about twenty times during his shift and should have been lying on the ground long ago, but he was not in one eye!
In the end, it turned out that he was in cahoots with the bartender, who poured him tea from a special bottle, and they split the money for the paid but not drunk cognac. They say that today smart police officers also do not take cash, but prefer shares in the business.
The most radical attempt to combat police corruption was made in 1982-1985 by Shchelokov’s successor, career security officer Vitaly Fedorchuk. According to informed people, Andropov admonished him with the words: “There is a lot of rot in the Ministry of Internal Affairs - we need to clean it up!”
In two s small year Fedorchuk expelled about 90 thousand people without pensions (according to other sources - 220 thousand, but this number apparently includes those dismissed due to age and illness).
The tactics used were simple: if, in the opinion of your superiors, you live beyond your means, write a letter of resignation! If you persist, citing the presumption of innocence, we will look into it in detail, and then the case will most likely end in a prison term. Almost no one tried to argue.
Fedorchuk.
All regional police departments received secret instructions to “carry out work to identify employees who own dachas and cars registered in the names of relatives” - as if this in itself is a crime!
Before Fedorchuk, the police, along with party bodies, were the only part of society not under the control of the KGB. The new minister legalized KGB surveillance of subordinates. Under him, denunciations, including anonymous ones, and eavesdropping flourished telephone conversations.
Fedorchuk especially disliked scientific and analytical departments, which he considered the refuge of highly paid slackers. All managers and teachers educational institutions Ministry of Internal Affairs in ranks up to lieutenant colonel, and in Moscow up to colonel inclusive, he forced free time patrol the streets as ordinary police officers.
The minister’s favorite phrase was: “We need to create tension in the work!” To the general, who helpfully opened the door for him, he said in front of everyone: “This is the first time I’ve seen a doorman in a general’s uniform!”
Disputes about Fedorchuk's methods continue to this day. Some argue that this is the only way to fight corruption, others say that he grossly violated human rights, dispersed experienced professionals and generally brought more harm than good. Needless to say, he was the most unpopular leader in the police force in its entire history.
Crime statistics in the USSR were classified. When the data began to be published, it turned out that since the mid-1960s, crime began to rise steadily, approximately tripling in 20 years.
The USSR was characterized by violent crime “on everyday grounds”, generated by drunkenness, embitterment and bad manners. With the beginning of market reforms, typically “capitalist” crimes were added, the motive of which is big money.
The work of the police in the USSR and Russia has always been assessed either by the number of crimes committed or by the level of their detection. Both criteria - the first directly, the second indirectly - push the police not to register crimes so that there are fewer of them.
In any police unit there was always an operative who was famous for his ability not to solve, but to hide crimes. This is a delicate matter, requiring knowledge of psychology combined with extraordinary impudence.
In the 1970s, a certain sailor fishing fleet, who had earned good money at that time, was traveling from Murmansk on vacation with a transfer at the Kazansky station in Moscow. While waiting for the train, he drank, dozed off in the waiting room, and woke up to find his wallet with all its contents missing, including a ticket for the onward journey.
The police immediately realized that looking for a pickpocket was a disastrous task, and called for help the best specialist to conceal crimes. He quickly figured out what kind of person was in front of him, hugged him by the shoulders, surrounded him with sympathy, inspired him that the money would not be returned, and that the victim himself was to blame - he should have drunk less and taken better care of his things.
He took me to a friend, the director of a station restaurant (“A friend is in trouble, needs to be fed, and 150 grams to relieve stress!”). I put him on the train with a friend, a foreman, and made an agreement with the director of the dining car about meals on the road.
Having reached home and regained consciousness, the fisherman wrote a letter to Brezhnev: “I always thought badly of the police, but now I see that I was wrong. It’s good that people like the captain from the Kazansky railway station work there, brother You wouldn’t have done so much for me!”
From the Central Committee, the letter was forwarded to Shchelokov’s secretariat, who instructed the personnel inspection to check the facts and reward a good employee. It immediately became clear that on the specified day there was no theft of a wallet in the incident log, and the captain received a reprimand instead of gratitude.
Attempts to raise the prestige of the police began under Minister Nikolai Shchelokov, who set a record for holding this post - from 1966 to 1982. Shchelokov is the most senior of the exposed corrupt officials Soviet period. He, according to many veterans of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, was the best minister ever modern history.
Shchelokov significantly increased the salaries of employees, built many buildings, including the current headquarters of the ministry on Zhitnaya Street, started “investigator’s suitcases”, which made it possible to competently inspect the crime scene, and new uniform, abandoning the blue color associated with Stalin’s NKVD.
Shchelokov.
Shchelokov, creating authority for police officers, and in this regard he was a bright and gifted person, transformed the ministry. He, knowing about the execution of workers in Novocherkassk on the orders of Khrushchev, about the events in Temirtau, Karaganda, Chimkent, about the mass riots that arose to one degree or another, convinced Brezhnev of the need to create internal troops in the system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, equipped with last word technology.
Shchelokov understood perfectly well that it was inappropriate to suppress unrest within the country using the Ministry of Defense, as happened in many cases, and this could cause sharp discontent in the West. Having received the go-ahead from Brezhnev, he began to create very powerful internal troops.
Immediately after his appointment as minister, Shchelokov appointed as head of the organizational inspection department the very gifted prominent scientist Sergei Mikhailovich Krylov, who had fundamental legal knowledge and a man of the highest personal integrity.
After some time, Krylov, on Shchelokov’s initiative, headed the newly created headquarters of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs and developed many plans to restore order in the country. After the Academy of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs was created on Shchelokov’s initiative to train leadership personnel, Shchelokov appointed Krylov as head of this academy and awarded him the rank of lieutenant general.
Around the same period, he appointed a very talented and prominent scientist in the field of criminal law and criminology, Dr. legal sciences Igor Ivanovich Karpets, who was awarded the rank of lieutenant general.
Shchelokov ordered translations of articles about the methods of foreign police for himself, issued orders and instructions on the cultural treatment of citizens, demanded that ordinary police officers read at least newspapers, valued employees with academic degrees and made friends with the creative intelligentsia.
Thanks to Shchelokov’s efforts, annual concerts in honor of Police Day, in which pop “stars” and famous comedians were invited to participate, became as popular among Soviet television viewers, who were not spoiled by entertainment, as popular as New Year’s “lights,” and the detective genre flourished in literature and cinema.
At the same time, the minister and his people made sure that in no book or film did the hero-policeman drink, run after other people’s wives, and, moreover, not turn out to be a criminal himself.
By the standards of the Soviet nomenklatura, Shchelokov was a liberal. When the question of Solzhenitsyn’s expulsion was being decided, he alone said that “we must not execute our enemies, but strangle them in our arms,” and even addressed Brezhnev in writing on this issue, although the matter did not directly concern him.
However, at the same time, Shchelokov did not deny anything to himself or those close to him. The head of the OBKhSS Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR, Lieutenant General Perevoznik, whom Shchelokov trusted unlimitedly, said that after Shchelokov became Minister of Internal Affairs, he literally delivered food products to Moscow from Moldova by wagon, which were packaged and distributed in the capital to the right people.
Knowing this, Perevoznik warned Shchelokov, noting that the offerings had become too widespread and sooner or later someone might start talking about them. And those people whom Shchelokov gifts may also someday make an official statement about his abuses.
Shchelokov laughed and answered Perevoznik that no one had ever refused these free offerings. Therefore, he worries in vain.
The scandals surrounding Shchelokov and his first deputy, Brezhnev's son-in-law Yuri Churbanov, who was sentenced in 1988 to 12 years in prison for accepting bribes and gifts, greatly undermined the prestige of the police. Some modern historians see parallels between the cases of Shchelokov and Churbanov and the “YUKOS case”.
According to them, high-ranking generals, of course, were to blame, but there were clearly political motives and an accusatory bias in their prosecution. Shchelokov was ruined by Yuri Andropov's long-term personal hostility toward him, which reached the point of hatred, and Churbanov was ruined by the fact that he was too carried away, turned out to be too visible and became the living personification of “stagnation.”
The first secretary of the Krasnodar regional committee of the CPSU, Medunov, against whom the claims were much more serious than against Shchelokov, and who was expelled from the CPSU Central Committee on the same day as the former minister, quietly retired, even retaining the star of the Hero of Socialist Labor, and lived until the 1990s , when local communists made him an icon.
Churbanov.
History often repeats itself. The construction of the “vertical of power” under Vladimir Putin has led to the revival of the traditional Russian division of society into two main classes - the service class and the tax class, with the first clearly being higher.
Russia - capitalist country, but in any regional center the main people are not local entrepreneurs, but the prosecutor and the chief of police. Russian "siloviki" know well to whom they owe.
Context
The Police Law comes into force in Russia. Below is background information about the history of the police in Russia.
Police is the historically established name of public order bodies in the Russian Federation and a number of CIS countries.
After February Revolution In 1917, the tsarist police in Russia were liquidated. The replacement of the police with a “people's militia” was proclaimed. Legal basis The organization and activities of the police was created by the resolutions of the Provisional Government “On the approval of the police” and the “Temporary regulations on the police”, issued in April 1917. After the October Revolution, the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets legally enshrined education Soviet state and consolidated the liquidation of the Provisional Government and its bodies, including the police.
The People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD) on November 10 (October 28, old style) 1917 adopted the decree "On workers' militia", which stated that all workers' councils and soldiers' deputies establish a workers' militia, which is entirely and exclusively under the jurisdiction of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. This resolution became the legal basis for the creation of the Soviet police.
On May 10, 1918, the Board of the NKVD of the RSFSR decided that “the police exist as a permanent staff of people performing special functions.” From this moment on, the police began to transition from “people’s” to the professional category.
The NKVD and the People's Commissariat of Justice on October 12, 1918 approved the instruction "On the organization of the Soviet workers' and peasants' militia", which legally established the creation of a full-time professional police in the RSFSR as " executive body worker-peasant central government locally, under the direct authority of local Councils and subordinate general management NKVD".
In 1920, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) approved the first regulation “On the Workers’ and Peasants’ Militia.” In accordance with it, the police included: city and county police, industrial, railway, water (river, sea), and search police. Service in the police was voluntary.
Over time, new units emerged within the police force. In 1936, divisions of the State Automobile Inspectorate (SAI) were created, and in 1937 - to combat theft and profiteering (BCSS). By 1941, the structure of the Main Directorate of the Workers' and Peasants' Militia included departments of criminal investigation, BHSS, external service, traffic police, railway police, passport, scientific and technical, and anti-banditry departments. Subsequently in different years The police included such departments as police detachments special purpose- special forces (1987), police squad special purpose- OMON (1988), Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime - GUBOP (1992) and others. In 1990, the National Central Bureau of Interpol was created in Russia.
Initially, the police were subordinate to and part of the NKVD of the RSFSR (1917-1930), on December 15, 1930, the Central Executive Committee (Central Executive Committee) and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR adopted a resolution "On the liquidation of the People's Commissariats of Internal Affairs of the Union and autonomous republics". After the abolition of the People's Commissariats on the basis of the departments utilities, police and criminal investigation departments of the same name were established directly under the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR. This order remained in place until 1934. Then the NKVD of the USSR was reorganized, and the police were subordinate to it (1934-1946), then the Ministry of Internal Affairs (Ministry of Internal Affairs) of the USSR (1946-1960), the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR (1960-1968), the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR (1968-1991). Since 1991, the police were under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR. In December 1991, after USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev resigned, the RSFSR Law “On Changing the Name of the Russian Soviet Federative State” was adopted. Socialist Republic", according to which the state of the RSFSR began to be called Russian Federation(Russia). In this regard, all bodies, institutions and organizations of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs on the territory of Russia were transferred under the jurisdiction of Russia and included in the system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.
By 2004, the structure of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation included 37 departments (directorates); on November 5, 2004, the president signed a decree, according to which these departments were replaced by 15 departments.
Until March 1, 2011, police activities were regulated federal law RSFSR "On the Police", which came into force on April 18, 1991. In accordance with this law, the police in Russia are divided into criminal and public security police (MSB). The criminal police included units of criminal investigation, combating economic crimes, combating illegal trafficking drugs, countering extremism and others. The MOB included duty units, local police inspectors, the State Road Safety Inspectorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, temporary detention centers for suspects and accused; special reception centers for holding persons arrested under administrative procedure and other units.
On December 12, 1993, the All-Russian vote adopted the Constitution of the Russian Federation, which enshrined the main provisions of the RSFSR Law “On the Police.”
On the initiative of the President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev, on August 7, 2010, a public discussion on the bill “On the Police” was opened on the Internet, which lasted until September 15.
November 10th yours professional holiday Russian police officers celebrate Internal Affairs Officer's Day. This year this day is special. The modern “tradition” of the Russian law enforcement system is celebrating its centenary. Exactly 100 years ago, on November 10, 1917, the People's Commissariat for internal affairs published the decree “On the Workers’ Militia”. As Soviet Police Day, this date remains in the memory of millions of Russians, despite the numerous upheavals with renamings and reforms that the domestic law enforcement system has endured over its 100-year history. So, we can say with confidence that “Police Day” is the true, popular name for the holiday date of November 10th.
Although in “State and Revolution” Vladimir Ilyich Lenin expressed almost anarchist thoughts about the imminent withering away of the state, about the need for universal arming of the people, the Bolsheviks realized the need to create personnel law enforcement agencies almost immediately after the revolution. If at first the idea that groups of specially mobilized workers - the workers' militia - could cope with crime dominated in their ranks, then very soon this utopian idea was replaced by a more rational approach. The need to create a professional police force was dictated by life itself. Following the revolution and the collapse of the tsarist law enforcement system, there was a colossal increase in crime. As you know, Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin himself once became the “victim” of a criminal attack, whose car was stopped in 1919 by criminals from Yakov Koshelkov’s gang. All these circumstances forced the Soviet leadership to become concerned about strengthening the workers' militia and transforming it from amateurish to professional structure. Literally in a decade soviet police turned into a powerful and extensive law enforcement apparatus, which over time surpassed its predecessor - the tsarist police.
By the way, the experience of the tsarist police was actively used later in strengthening the Soviet internal affairs agencies. If previously the tsarist police were perceived exclusively as “punishers”, “executioners” who served the exploitative regime, then, as crime grew, it became clear to the Soviet police officers that they could not do without the accumulated experience of their predecessors in the complex task of fighting crime. However, unlike the Red Army, where the former tsarist officers served in huge numbers and many of them made a dizzying career already in Soviet era, in the law enforcement system everything turned out differently. The Soviet police used the experience of the tsarist police, but the police themselves overwhelmingly served in the Soviet law enforcement agencies they couldn't. The attitude towards former law enforcement officers of the tsarist era in the 1920s - 1930s was the coolest, many of them faced trials, prisons and even executions.
Nevertheless, Soviet Russia Almost “from scratch” it was possible to staff the new law enforcement agencies - the Soviet police. This was not so easy to do. There are many ways scientific research, so works of art, dedicated to the first steps of the Soviet police. In those years, the militia was truly a people's force and was staffed primarily by workers and peasants, the poor and middle peasants. After graduation Civil War Many Red Army soldiers were drawn to serve in the police. The Soviet police were staffed only by people from the working population, primarily by active workers. It was almost impossible for a representative of the “exploiting” strata to join the police, unless we were talking about people with pre-revolutionary experience in underground activities in the ranks of the RSDLP (b).
A separate and very complex area was the training of national personnel for the regions North Caucasus, Transcaucasia, Central Asia, where it was also necessary to deploy departments and police departments, establish efficient work criminal investigation department and other police units. Special departments were opened at the Novocherkassk and Saratov police schools, where representatives were trained national minorities Soviet Union for service in internal affairs bodies. The process of formation and development of the training system Soviet policemen stretched over two post-revolutionary decades. As the police's needs for qualified personnel grew, the number of special educational institutions and the number of cadets increased. In 1936, schools for senior and middle-level police officers were transferred to a two-year training cycle, which was supposed to help improve the level of education and qualifications of police personnel. The old cadres - revolutionaries with pre-October experience - were replaced by a new generation - the younger generations of Soviet police officers, raised and trained in the Soviet Union.
The Great Patriotic War was a serious blow for the Soviet police. A huge number of policemen were mobilized to the front, in active army. In many populated areas Due to the shortage of young male police officers, women, as well as older men, began to be actively recruited into the service. In the west of the Soviet Union, police officers took an active part in the fight against the occupiers, even without being called up to military service- they participated in the defense of their cities, went to partisan detachments, created underground groups.
After the Great Patriotic War served in the internal affairs bodies large number front-line soldiers. Many officers and soldiers of the victorious Red Army after the war wanted to continue serving, if not in the army, then at least in the police. It was they, the people who went through the front, who broke the backbone of crime, which gained strength in the war and post-war years.
It should be noted that the demands on police officers grew as the general level education Soviet citizens. If in the early 1920s. special requirements was not applied to candidates for police service, then in the second half of the twentieth century it was already in effect efficient system vocational education. However, not only graduates of police schools, but also people from civilian backgrounds ended up serving in the police as middle and senior commanding officers. As a rule, these were university graduates who had behind them military department and therefore military rank"lieutenant" or "senior lieutenant". Yesterday's engineers, teachers, and representatives of various humanitarian professions flocked to Komsomol vouchers for the police.
Even now, among the police chiefs of the older generation, there are quite a few people who joined the police in the 1980s on Komsomol vouchers. Juniors were also recruited in the same way. commanding staff, but here the emphasis was on yesterday’s demobilization. Soldiers and sergeants who served in military service were especially valued. internal troops USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, border troops ah KGB of the USSR, divisions Airborne troops, Marine Corps. They were sent to the police on the recommendations of the command of units and units, or some time after demobilization - on the recommendations labor collectives, party committees of enterprises. It must be said that this system of personnel selection for the Soviet police worked quite effectively.
The history of the Soviet police is full heroic deeds its employees. The names of the policemen who fell in battle with criminals remained forever in the memory of descendants. As you know, the period of several years turned out to be very tense for the Soviet policemen. post-war years when in war-torn Soviet cities Brutal criminal gangs were rampant, and a large number of street children appeared again. In the west of Ukraine, Belarus, and the Baltic republics there were detachments of nationalists and simply criminals hiding in the forests. Together with the soldiers of the internal and border troops, the police also took an active part in their destruction.
The Soviet police managed to solve the assigned tasks with honor and cope with high level crime in the country by the early 1950s. Then there were a couple of decades of relative calm. But even at this time, the Soviet police were always at the forefront - not only in the fight against crime, but in general - in protecting citizens. On May 25, 1973, a column of 170 cyclists followed along the Novosibirsk - Pavlodar highway. At the head of the column was an escort vehicle Moskvich-412. It carried the senior traffic inspector of the State Traffic Inspectorate Dmitry Baiduga and inspector Alexander Shabaldin. A Zaporozhets car was driving towards the column. Suddenly appeared truck"Kolkhida", loaded with rubble, which tried to overtake "Zaporozhets". Realizing that a collision between the truck and the column could not be avoided, the police put their Moskvich under attack and thereby saved the column of cyclists. Posthumously, Dmitry Baiduga and Alexander Shabaldin received the Order of the Red Star.
Already in the 1970s - 1980s. The Soviet police were faced with such new and previously unprecedented types of crimes as, for example, hostage-taking. So, on November 2, 1973, four students hijacked a Yak-40 plane. It was for the heroism shown during his liberation that he received Gold Star Hero of the Soviet Union Alexander Ivanovich Popryadukhin - at that time a senior police lieutenant, senior inspector on duty at the 127th Moscow police department, who was included in the task force due to his excellent sports training (Alexander Ivanovich was a master of sports in sambo).
A new wave of crime swept the country at the turn of the 1980s - 1990s, and unusual crime, which the Soviet police had not encountered before. Powerful organized criminal groups, mafia structures that had strong connections at the very top in the same law enforcement agencies. Confront organized crime it was very difficult, especially since there were temptations for the police officers themselves. It was during this period that many negative stereotypes about employees of internal affairs bodies and their widespread corruption took hold in the public consciousness. Although in the 1990s, many police officers not only honestly carried out their service, but died in clashes with criminals, defending life and tranquility ordinary citizens.
At the end of the 1980s. special police units were also formed, first of all - the legendary Special Purpose Police Unit (OMON), then - Special Squad rapid response(SOBR), which had to solve complex and dangerous tasks of power support of police and anti-terrorist operations. Today it is difficult to imagine a law enforcement system without police special forces (although not so long ago they were transferred from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the Federal service National Guard troops).
During the collapse of the Soviet Union, many “hot spots” appeared, in which a huge number of Russian police officers also served. It is impossible to underestimate the contribution of the Russian militia/police in the fight against terrorism in the North Caucasus, and then in other regions of the country. Through the “meat grinder” of two Chechen wars Thousands of Russian police officers passed through - both riot police and sobrovets, as well as representatives of more “peaceful” police professions, including district police officers and juvenile affairs inspectors. The 1990s - 2000s gave the Russian police many real heroes. Unfortunately, many of them received their well-deserved awards posthumously.
Serving in the internal affairs bodies is hard and dangerous work. But citizens, due to a number of factors, perceive police officers, and then police officers, ambiguously. Many judge from their experience of conflicts with law enforcement officers as “ household level“-there they argued with the traffic cop, here the district police officer does not respond to complaints. Others are influenced by media publications, which, it must be said, are very unfavorable towards Russian police officers. Of course, there are many problems in the “system” and the police themselves know much more about them than people from the outside. Personnel turnover, low level qualifications, corruption and cronyism, basic reluctance to work - all this, unfortunately, is present in the Russian law enforcement system, as indeed in all other spheres of society. However, when any problems arise, the first thing people do is run to them - to the police.
On the Day of Internal Affairs Officer, which for the people still remains “Police Day,” to all former and current police officers and police officers “ Military Review“wishes all the best, and most importantly, health and success in the difficult, but so necessary service for the country and people.
Until now, in most countries of the world, and before the October Revolution - in Russia too, police were called armed forces designed to maintain general order formed from volunteers and not part of the official system of state law enforcement agencies. IN Tsarist Russia militia units (in the original sense) were formed during major strikes and other mass protests against the authorities.
After the February Revolution, the Corps of Gendarmes and the Police Department were liquidated (decrees of the Provisional Government of March 6, 1917 and March 10, 1917). At the same time, the replacement of the police with a “people's militia” was proclaimed, which was created on the basis of the resolution “On the approval of the police” and the “Temporary regulations on the police” of April 17, 1917. Thus, the system created under the name “militia” was actually the police ( public service maintaining order). The name was changed to emphasize proximity to the interests of the people, and to new organization was not associated with the old police and gendarmerie, which served as symbols of the old order. In parallel with the state people's militia, workers' militia units continued to be organized and existed, created by local Soviets to maintain order during mass events and organize the security of enterprises.
October Revolution canceled the whole system government agencies, including the police. At that time, the ruling elite of Russia was dominated by the opinion that the army and police should be abolished, and their functions should be transferred directly to the armed people (see Anarchy). The NKVD Decree “On the Workers' Militia” of October 28 (November 10, new style) 1917 established:
“All Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies establish a workers' militia. The workers' militia is entirely and exclusively under the jurisdiction of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, the Military and civil authority are obliged to assist in arming the workers’ militia and supplying it with technical forces, including supplying it with government-issued weapons. This law is put into effect by telegraph.”
This very day (November 10) is still celebrated in Russia as “Police Day”. Having gone through a large number of reorganizations, the police have existed to this day, retaining both the name and the main functions.
Thus, the police were established, but the police bodies did not have a regular structure and were, in fact, volunteer formations. About a year after this, the police government organization, did not exist. On the ground, previously existing police formations were disbanded in some places and reorganized in others. Local Soviets created and supported their own police forces.
Very soon it was realized that the law enforcement system could not exist and function effectively if it were a collection of amateurs. volunteer units. In March 1918, the NKVD commissioner raised the question of re-establishing the police as a state organization before the government. On May 10, 1918, the NKVD board adopted the order: “The police exist as a permanent staff of persons performing special duties, the organization of the police must be carried out independently of the Red Army, their functions must be strictly delimited.” On its basis, organizational documents were drawn up, and a project for a “workers’ and peasants’ militia” was drawn up. On October 21, 1918, the NKVD and NKYU approved the “Instructions on the organization of the Soviet workers’ and peasants’ militia.”
