The head of the security of the Russian emperors is Peter Alexandrovich Cherevin. Series Three

Head of Security Russian emperors Petr Alexandrovich Cherevin

The personal guard of the Russian emperors in different periods was headed by very different people. However, the foundation for the professional protection of Russian emperors was laid by P.A. Cherevin. Contemporaries remembered Pyotr Aleksandrovich Cherevin as a controversial person. On the one hand, he enjoyed the unconditional trust of Alexander II and Alexander III, as evidenced by the fact that for 30 years he played a key role in the personal security of the Russian emperors. On the other hand, many perceived him as a narrow-minded, lightweight drunkard. Two images of the same person do not fit well with each other. To understand this contradiction, it is necessary to trace the main stages of P.A.’s biography. Cherevina.

Pyotr Aleksandrovich Cherevin belonged to the ancient noble family Cherevins, from the 16th century. who lived in the “Neronov estate” in Galich district. P.A. Cherevin was born in 1837, professional military education received guards ensigns and cavalry cadets at the St. Petersburg school. Military service the future general began at the age of 18 (in 1855), in the elite Life Guards Cavalry Regiment, where he managed to make many necessary acquaintances. A few years later, in 1859, he, like many young officers, began his combat biography in the Caucasus. They went there for double pay, accelerated promotion and decorations. It was in the Caucasus that Cherevin received the first Order of St. Stanislav with swords. By the beginning of the 1860s. He acquired a strong reputation among officers as a brave man.

In 1863, 26-year-old P.A. Cherevin, with the rank of major, fought as part of the Dakhovsky detachment, commanding the 1st rifle battalion of the Sevastopol regiment 440. Despite the political reforms and the abolition of serfdom, P.A. Cherevin was of little interest in politics, since, as he admitted, “a militant riotous life, impeccable inactivity - absorbed everyone and everything” 441. Nevertheless, P.A. Cherevin was thinking about his future, since the war in the Caucasus was noticeably coming to an end. The combat officer, who had been involved in various “cases” for 3.5 years, did not want to turn into Lermontov’s Maxim Maksimovich and, for fear of “getting any separate part and take root forever in the Caucasus,” P.A. Cherevin achieved a six-month vacation in June 1863, going to Russia with the firm intention of retiring.

On the way, Major P.A. Cherevin stopped in Tiflis, where he received an audience with the Governor of the region, Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolaevich. During the meeting, the Grand Duke asked Cherevin “about the latest former affairs" As a combat officer who had previously served in the Life Guards Cavalry Regiment, he was “honored of an invitation to His Highness’s table” 442. Actually, this was the end of the “Caucasian stage” of P.A.’s biography. Cherevina. Over the years, he received his first staff officer rank and military order, and acquired invaluable combat experience during Caucasian War and at the same time did not lose connections in the St. Petersburg guards environment.

Although Cherevin was thinking about retirement, nevertheless, in the depths of his soul, the 25-year-old major did not imagine himself well in the role of a provincial landowner, therefore, having arrived at the family estate “Neronovo” near Kostroma, he immediately wrote a letter to N.M. Muravyov outlining his “circumstances”.

In his notes, Cherevin mentions that by this time he already “knew” M.N. well. Muravyov, who on November 29, 1862 took office as governor-general of the rebellious Vilna region. It is noteworthy that Cherevin, who came to the family estate from the Caucasian War, immediately went to the Vilna region, where Russian troops fought with Polish partisan detachments. After 3 weeks, the courier brought Cherevin an order from the Minister of War to immediately send him to Vilna at the disposal of the Commander of the District Troops and Governor General M.N. Muravyova. At the beginning of September 1863 P.A. Cherevin ended up in Vilna, where a new important stage in his biography began.

It is unlikely that anyone who saw Major P.A. at that time. Cherevin, who arrived in Vilna in the army uniform of the Sevastopol Regiment, assumed that he would soon take a key place in the regional administration and become right hand M.N. Muravyova. However, M.N. Muravyov was in dire need of devoted and proactive subordinates on whom he could rely, and even with experience of combat operations in the Caucasus. So he immediately connected P.A. Cherevin to practical work.

At first P.A. Cherevin was appointed an official for special assignments, attached to the governor general. He was sent on a business trip to the Kovno province in the Vilkomir and Ponevezh districts in order to collect information about the activities of officials against the Polish rebel detachments. There P.A. Cherevin faced both clumsiness war machine in general, and with the lack of initiative of individual bosses. Attempts to recommend to them " Caucasian tactics“The fight against the Polish partisan detachments did not meet with sympathy, therefore, upon his return, Cherevin introduced M.N. Muravyov “a detailed and frank report on everything I found” 443.

A week after Cherevin returned from a business trip, he was appointed Deputy Governor General for Civil Affairs. Until the 26-year-old Major Cherevin, this position was held by a major general. P.A. himself Cherevin compared his position “to the position of chief of staff for the civil sector.” This appointment immediately determined the degree of influence of Cherevin. According to him, he looked through all official correspondence addressed to Muravyov, made personal reports to the Governor-General three times a day, recorded and began to implement Muravyov’s oral resolutions, distributed cases among offices, monitored the prompt and accurate execution of all resolutions, led secret correspondence and receiving visitors 444 . Such a rapid rise of Cherevin not only attracted close attention, but also gave rise to a lot of envious people, although the authorities generally assessed Cherevin’s activities in the Vilna region positively. Despite his youth and low rank, Cherevin performed well and became one of the notable figures in the suppression of the Polish uprising in the north-west, during which his boss received the nickname “The Hangman”. During the “Vilna period,” Cherevin actually confirmed his reputation as a brave, proactive and intelligent officer. For example, several decades later, a prominent official in the Ministry of the B.C. Krivenko noted in his memoirs that Cherevin, while still a young cavalry officer, “managed to stand out... and attracted the attention of Muravyov-Vilensky. The ferocious suppressor of the Polish uprising brought Pyotr Alexandrovich closer to himself and used his young energy to pursue his line...” The memoirist also emphasized the extraordinary diplomatic skills Cherevina. Being the right hand of Muravyov-Hangman” 445, he was able to “establish his personal relationships with the Poles, who saw him as an intercessor before the proconsul” 446. General N.A. Epanchin, characterizing Cherevin, mentions that he is a man of “a sharp mind, who had experience in administrative matters; No wonder M.N. Muravyov invited him, a young colonel, to the post of head of the office of the Vilna Governor-General, when Muravyov was appointed to pacify Lithuania” 447.

Since Cherevin became a “team man” M.N. Muravyov, then his career was affected by all the intrigues against his patron. And Muravyov-Vilensky had very influential opponents. The main one was the younger brother of Alexander II, Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, after whom Muravyov had to “rakes up” the political “debris” in the Vilna region. In his notes, Cherevin simply characterized Konstantin Nikolaevich as an eccentric scoundrel who dreamed only of popularity and the Polish crown for himself 448. Subsequently, Cherevin’s attitude towards Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich became one of the foundations for the general’s rapprochement with the heir, Tsarevich Alexander Alexandrovich. Their attitude towards the St. Petersburg “parties” also brought them together: “What is strong in St. Petersburg? Nothing and no one, no opinion, no people, no systems... Today Shuvalov, tomorrow Milyutin, and in the end you don’t know what they want” 449. Therefore, although M.N. Muravyov repeatedly (“twice a year”) nominated Cherevin for awards; he received only a modest crown for his St. Stanislav with swords (in September 1864). Although Cherevin received the rank of lieutenant colonel in 1864, the idea came from the governor in the Caucasus, Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolaevich.

Those who saw Cherevin in 1863–1864. noted that he was with Muravyov continuously. Therefore, when in the spring of 1864 M.N. Muravyov left for St. Petersburg, few were surprised that Cherevin was left “on the farm” through the eyes and ears of Muravyov with the task of conducting constant correspondence with him 450.

In St. Petersburg, Muravyov actually handed over the cases. But even then he did not forget Cherevin and during an audience with Alexander II “asked the Emperor for a special reward” for Cherevin, as an option, offering to transfer Cherevin to the guard as a captain. Alexander II did not give a clear answer, but asked to be reminded of Cherevin when he passed through Vilna.

Soon the imperial couple arrived in Vilna, where, during a 30-minute stop, Governor General M.N. Muravyov, among the senior officials of the administration of the region, introduced Lieutenant Colonel P.A. to Alexander II. Cherevina. The Emperor thanked the officer for his service. This was the first personal meeting between Cherevin and Alexander II. However, this highest gratitude never resulted in any career dividends for Cherevin. Therefore, in August 1864, Cherevin asked to go on sick leave abroad. M.N. Muravyov agreed to give Cherevin a month's leave, which he spent at sea in France.

In his notes hot on the trail in 1868, Cherevin rather highly assessed his own activities in the Vilna region: “By the nature of my occupation, how many in their enormity, I considered myself and had the right to consider myself insulted when many others who did nothing were awarded twice a year... Unkindness towards M.N. Muravyov also extended to me” 451 (apparently, the resentment was so strong that even the appointment in 1867 as an aide-de-camp to Alexander II. - I. 3.) did not smooth it out.

July 9, 1864 patron of Cherevin M.N. Muravyov was fired from his position. In this situation, Cherevin no longer saw any prospects for himself in Vilna. He expressed his categorical reluctance to take up his previous position. In the spring of 1865, Muravyov and Cherevin discussed the latter’s career prospects. Cherevin stated that he does not plan to continue his service in Vilna and intends to take a long vacation, after which he expects to be at the disposal of the Minister of War. At the end of April 1865, Cherevin, having received leave, went to the village. Soon he received an order to be appointed “to serve in the Ministry of War” and, in fact, by the beginning of 1866, the service prospects of Lieutenant Colonel Cherevin looked rather vague. It is difficult to say what the fate of P.A. would have been. Cherevin, if fate had not given him another chance.

April 4, 1866 former student D. Karakozov made an unsuccessful attempt on the life of Alexander II. As a result, an Investigative Commission was immediately organized, which from April 7, 1866 was headed by M.N. Muravyov. Heading the investigation, M.N. Muravyov included P.A. in the commission. Cherevina. And again, in a short period of time, Cherevin managed to become a prominent figure in the Investigative Commission. At the age of 29, he took the place of secretary of the commission, personally took part in the arrests of members of the Khudyakov-Ishutin circle, and actively participated in interrogations. The young colonel's diligence in investigating the most important case was noticed and noted. And despite the death on August 31, 1866 M.N. Muravyov, Cherevin’s career has found a “second wind”. As a result, the active work of P.A. Cherevin's involvement in the investigation of the assassination attempt became the second solid step in his career.

Throughout his life, Cherevin more than once kind words remembered his patron. In February 1869, he wrote: “... I served under a great man... The school I went through under him, of course, served and will serve me in many ways in the future, and I proudly remember that during my time with the count. Muravyov deserved his love and trust” 452.

After the end of the investigation into the Karakozov case, Cherevin occupied a fairly strong position in St. Petersburg. This was evidenced by the fact that in 1867 he received the title of aide-de-camp of the Suite of E.I.V., and the fact that in May 1869 he was appointed commander of his own convoy. Since the main task of the Own E.I.V. The convoy was to ensure the personal safety of the emperor, then this position was “in plain sight.” As commander of his own convoy, P.A. Cherevin served for 10 years - from May 24, 1869 to August 13, 1879. All these years, the Convoy commander was subordinate to the commander of the Main Imperial Apartment, Adjutant General A.M. Ryleev.

During Russian-Turkish War 1877–1878 Commander of the Own Convoy, Adjutant Colonel P.A. Cherevin in September 1877 took temporary command of the Caucasian Cossack brigade, which was part of the detachment of General I.V. Gurko. This was a movement very characteristic of Cherevin. He is a brave cavalry officer, and he needed a living cause. Order crosses were also needed. As a brigade commander, he personally participated in the attack on the defenders of Gorny Dubnyak and the capture of the Telesh fortifications, and crossed the Balkans.

During the war, Cherevin made a close acquaintance with the heir to the Tsarevich, Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich, the future Emperor Alexander III. He attracted the attention of the Tsarevich with his cheerful disposition, courage, directness and sharpness of judgment, wit and resourcefulness. The future king valued such people. Since then, they have had a strong relationship. Alexander III patronized him until the end of his life and completely relied on his comrade in arms.

For the Russian-Turkish campaign of 1877–1878. P.A. Cherevin received high awards: golden weapon with diamonds, cross of St. George IV degree 453 and appointment to the Suite of Alexander II. In October 1878 he again briefly led Convoy 454 Own. B.C. Krivenko described Cherevin’s appearance at the end of the 1870s. as follows: “In a Cossack retinue uniform, with the St. George Cross for the Turkish campaign, in a large white hat on his slightly shaking head. From under the long curls of the kurpei, keen and piercing prickly eyes look out. The face is tinged with alcohol, a sharp nose, a drooping mustache and a playful greeting on smiling lips” 455.

As a result, 10 years of command of an elite military unit state protection, participation in the Russian-Turkish War and rapprochement with the heir-Tsarevich became an important step in the career of P.A. Cherevina.

By 1879, the situation in the country had changed dramatically. After another unsuccessful attempt on the life of Alexander II in April 1879, the revolutionaries finally relied on terror. By the summer of 1879, the terrorist organization “People's Will” was formed, which began energetic preparations for a series of terrorist attacks. The changing situation in the country also affected P.A.’s career. Cherevina. In August 1879 P.A. Cherevin changed his military uniform to a gendarmerie, becoming a comrade of the Chief of Gendarmes, the head of the III Section of the SEIVK and an active participant in the fight against revolutionary terror.

Attitude of P.A. Cherevin was more than skeptical towards the III Division of SEIVC. Cherevin encountered activities III Branches while still serving in Vilna in 1863–1865. and then he made the most unfavorable impression about this power structure. Long before his appointment as the head of the III Division, in January 1868, he wrote: “The III Division and its employees have always been the defenders of unreliable Poles, but also Russian scoundrels, as it showed itself in the assassination attempt on Karakozov” 456. In fact, Cherevin was appointed head of the III Division so that he could create a new one on its basis structural unit Ministry of Internal Affairs, capable of effectively resisting revolutionary terrorists.

1879–1880s were hard time for the power structures of the empire. Having developed in the relatively calm and stable Nikolaev time, they “did not keep up” with tactical, organizational and technical innovations “ People's Will" The security forces needed “fresh blood” from people who could adequately respond to the challenges of the time. Contemporaries perceived Cherevin as a “new man.” One of the memoirists wrote in her diary about P.A. Cherevin in January 1880: “Of the new personalities, Cherevin did not make the impression on me that I expected from him: quiet in appearance, looks intelligent” 457.

By 1879, the “quiet and intelligent” P.A. Cherevin not only had a strong reputation as an impeccably brave combat cavalry officer, but also experience administrative work in the rebellious Vilna region, experience investigative work in the commission M.N. Muravyova. In addition, behind him stood Tsarevich Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich, a supporter of consistent and tough measures in the fight against political terror. Note that Cherevin was very skeptical about the government’s pendulum swings from liberal reforms to attempts to “tighten the screws” as much as possible. He believed that, first of all, the “will” must be demonstrated to implement one or another specific political course.

Nevertheless, until the death of Alexander II P.A. Cherevin remained on the sidelines, although his career gradually took off. On February 6, 1880, at the suggestion of Tsarevich Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich, the “Supreme Administrative Commission for the Protection of State Order and Public Peace” was created. It was headed by the Minister of Internal Affairs, a member State Council, Adjutant General M.T. Loris-Melikov. The commission, along with K.P. Pobedonostsev (member of the State Council and Chief Prosecutor), A.K. Imeretinsky (Chief of Staff of the St. Petersburg Military District) also included Major General of the Retinue of His Imperial Majesty, acting Chief of Gendarmes P.A. Cherevin, who was then in his 43rd year 458.

Since the heir, Alexander Alexandrovich, “clearly expressed his distrust of the III Division” 459, one of the main tasks of the commission was the reorganization of the III Division and the Separate Corps of Gendarmes. February 26, 1880 M.T. Loris-Melikov presented a report to Alexander II, in which he substantiated the need to unite all police units under his command. The Emperor agreed with his arguments. As a result, on March 3, 1880, the Separate Corps of Gendarmes was subordinated directly to M.T. Loris-Melikov, and on March 4, 1880, after the dismissal of Adjutant General A.R. Drenteln from the post of Chief of Gendarmes; Major General of His Majesty's Retinue P.A. was appointed to this position. Cherevina. Thus, in March 1880 P.A. Cherevin headed not only the III Division, but also the Separate Corps of Gendarmes, the key structures opposing terrorists.

Major General P.A. Cherevin headed the III Department until its liquidation on August 6, 1880 (according to the report of the Loris-Melikov Commission). On the same day P.A. Cherevin took the position of Comrade Minister of Internal Affairs M.T. Loris-Melikova. Instead of Division III, the State Police Department was formed (from February 18, 1883 - Police Department), which existed until March 10, 1917.

The events of March 1, 1881 in St. Petersburg, associated with the assassination of Alexander II, became landmarks in the organization and activities of state security services Russian Empire. The problem of ensuring the guaranteed security of Alexander III has become one of most important tasks public policy. There was an urgent need to carry out a deep reorganization of the tsar's security system. And to this the most important matter attracted P.A. Cherevina. Moreover, he becomes one of the creators of the security system, and subsequently its leader. There was every reason for this: rich administrative experience gained in crisis situations(1863–1865); ten years of experience in leading one of the state security units - the Own Convoy (1869–1879); experience of investigative work in the Muravyov commission (1866); experience in leading the III Division (1879–1880) and the Separate Corps of Gendarmes (1880).

In the summer of 1881 P.A. Cherevin became one of the authors of the project for reorganizing the personal guard of Alexander III (see the corresponding section). On September 3, 1881, by a personal decree, Pyotr Aleksandrovich Cherevin was appointed to the position of “Chief Chief of Security of Major General of His Majesty’s Retinue.” This position P.A. Cherevin held until his death on February 19, 1896, i.e. almost 15 years.

Head of the royal guard P.A. Cherevin, who enjoyed the personal trust of Alexander III and Empress Maria Feodorovna, quickly became one of key figures at the new Court. Direct subordination to the tsar, the right of personal report, unconditional loyalty, the absence of certain boundaries of activity, the requirement for all departments and institutions of the empire to immediately carry out orders and report to the head of the tsar’s guard all information about possible assassination attempts made the influence of P.A. Cherevin is very significant.

The closest assistant to P.A. Cherevin was gendarme lieutenant colonel E.N. Shirinkin. Since P.A. Cherevin, by virtue of his position, performed secretarial and representative functions, constantly being “with the Tsar,” but gradually the real grunt work of “security” was concentrated in the hands of Lieutenant Colonel E.N. Shirinkin, who on September 8, 1884, on the recommendation of P.A. Cherevin took the position of chief of the Palace Police 460. A separate intelligence team from the Police Department was also subordinated to Colonel Shirinkin. Ultimately, according to the remark of a prominent official of the Ministry of the Imperial Household of B.C. Krivenko, “all the security threads were concentrated in the hands of Shirinkin” 461.

E.N. Shirinkin was a “workhorse” under P.A. Cherevin. Contemporaries tried to find the distribution of responsibilities between them. At least B.C. Krivenko directly mentions that he was interested in this from people close to Cherevin, and he got the impression that Cherevin “wasn’t involved in business at all, as if he had become lazy, or rather, like smart man, understood the futility of the secret police’s activities “No matter how much worse they do!” 462. Krivenko emphasized that it was Shirinkin who was “the main spring of control. It somehow became established that Cherevin’s subordinates, who occupied very modest positions in terms of their official position and importance, easily had access to Pyotr Alexandrovich, while Shirinkin kept aloof... Shirinkin formed his own court; “Everyone who had anything to do with the police in general and the palace security in particular came to him for instructions and explanations.”463

It should be noted that the bureaucratic staff in the services of the chief security officer P.A. Cherevin were minimal. Only on December 31, 1887, the staff of the Office of the Chief Head of the Security was approved by the highest decree. Oddly enough today, this staff consisted of only two people 464.

In 1894, six months before the death of Alexander III, P.A. Cherevin carried out some reorganization of the Tsar's guard. Its necessity was caused by the fact that over the past 13 years numerous one-time orders had accumulated that needed to be combined into a single whole. This reform did not imply any special changes. Firstly, the position of “Chief Chief of His Majesty’s Security Guard” was renamed to the position of “Duty General under His Majesty.” The initiator of changing the name of the position was the emperor himself. On the project presented by P.A. Cherevin, the resolution of Alexander III remained: “I agree to this, but at the same time I would like to change the name of the guard, which offends me and is very dissonant. I’ll talk to you about this” 465.

The personal decree of May 22, 1894 stated: “Having recognized the need for the highest supervision over the safety of the Imperial residences, as well as the main supervision over the safety of the route during the highest travels, to be entrusted to a person specially called to this by our trust, we most graciously command Adjutant General Cherevin to enter in fulfillment of assigned duties, continue to be called “the general on duty with Us” while retaining the rank of adjutant general” 466.

Experts in bureaucratic nuances immediately noted the discrepancy between the title of the position and Cherevin’s real responsibilities. B.C. Krivenko wrote: “In the military department, the “duty general” occupies a position in which so-called “inspector affairs” are concentrated, the service of personnel of military units; this activity seemed completely inconsistent with the nature of the duties assigned to Cherevin” 467. However, it was not a matter of actual responsibilities, but rather a matter of title. The "alarming" designation of the position of "Chief Chief of His Majesty's Guard" was replaced by the neutral "Duty General".

In addition, a new full-time position for a journalist was added to the Office of the Duty General under His Majesty, who was responsible for “public relations.” It is noteworthy that earlier this “journalist” YuD. Pavilanis was on the list of secret agents of the Palace Police and reported to Colonel E.N. Shirinkin 468.

Heading the king’s guard, P.A. Cherevin immediately became a target for terrorists. In November 1881, a certain N.M. Sankovsky made an attempt on P.A. Cherevina. The terrorist acted according to a proven “patriarchal” scheme. This “scheme” literally amazes with its naive effectiveness, all the more surprising since everything happened literally a few months after the tragic death of Alexander II at the hands of terrorists.

The tradesman Nikolai Martynovich Sankovsky, who had nothing to do with the revolutionary underground, but at the same time drank a lot and, of course, “sick at heart” for Russia, on occasion, “without a specific goal,” acquired a five-barreled Belgian bulldog revolver 469, in the library on “Address-Calendar” found out “where Cherevin serves and lives,” drank vodka in a tavern “for courage,” wrote a letter there in which he promised to tell Cherevin some important information, went to the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, where he handed the letter to the doorman . It should be noted that the guards did not want to accept the letters, “referring to the fact that there was no reception that day, but due to the insistence of his statements about the possibility of a letter, they accepted it, and handed it over to Baron Driesen” 470. The ministry official, Baron Driesen, considered it possible to convey the letter from the “unknown” to General Cherevin, although he was at the meeting. After reading the letter, Cherevin went to the reception room to see the unknown man, who had already been brought there. Moreover, all the officials immediately left the reception room “due to the desire of the unknown person to explain himself to General Cherevin in private.” At the same time, no one thought to search this “unknown”. After the officials left, a shot immediately followed. When they burst into the reception room, they saw that Cherevin had pressed the unknown man against the wall and was holding his hands.

The pistol, with four more barrels still loaded, lay nearby. Since the shot was fired literally at point-blank range, a miracle saved him, but the general also showed decisiveness, grabbing the terrorist by the hands and preventing him from firing a second shot.

As stated in the documents, “from the inspection report of the frock coat that General Cherevin was wearing at the time of the attempt on his life, it is clear that on the left side of the chest and side of the frock coat, on the outside there are two holes with torn edges, made by a bullet... the inner silk lining of the frock coat is not damaged ... the hole is located on the side, slightly below the thoracic opening... The location of the holes and appearance they allow us to conclude that the bullet, having penetrated through the chest hole, passed between the upper tire and the inner lining of the coat and exited through the hole in the side” 471.

What is striking in this story is the lack of professionalism of the officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, since a similar “scheme” of assassination attempts on influential dignitaries was used from January 1878 to 1906: in 1878, the St. Petersburg mayor F.F. was shot. Trepova Vera Zasulich; twice attempted to assassinate Moscow Chief of Police D.F. Trepov; blew up P.A.'s dacha Stolypin in 1906

The relationship between Cherevin and Alexander III, of course, should not be idealized. For the Tsar, Cherevin remained only a faithful servant, conscientiously and honestly fulfilling his duties. job responsibilities, which also implied certain professional risks. According to A.A. Polovtsev, who was quite friendly with Cherevin, he “does not show any sympathy for his ruler, despite his extremely close position. By the way, he put it this way: during his service under the sovereign, he heard a word of gratitude only once, namely after he, Cherevin, was shot by a nihilist” 472 . The same Polovtsev wrote in 1891: “Cherevin is a smart, kind, honest, constantly drunk chief of security in Gatchina, glad that at least under the pretext of hunting and accompanying the crown prince to escape from the Gatchina prison” 473.

Speaking about the personal circumstances of P.A. Cherevin, it should be noted that he had no family. He devoted himself entirely to service, constantly being with the king. At the same time, Cherevin was very partial to women. According to A. Bogdanovich, his illegitimate son studied in the Nikolaevsky building. After the assassination attempt on the general, Alexander III “rewarded” Cherevin by allowing him to adopt the young man 474. However, Cherevin did not make a career for his son, and he remained in fairly modest ranks. The fact that Cherevin had side children is briefly mentioned by A.A. Polovtsev in October 1883: “At the club, Cherevin is busy breaking up with Fabre and handing over the children to his sister” 475. Contemporaries unanimously noted the general’s personal integrity, emphasizing that he “was not one of those who begged for extra salaries” 476. Childhood friend of Alexander III, Count S.D. Sheremetev cites a rather characteristic episode, noting that Cherevin did not like “arrogance and conceit, even in people close to him and with whom he sympathized. To one of them, in response to grumblings of official dissatisfaction, he said: “Do you value yourself highly?” 477. After Alexander III moved to Gatchina, Cherevin also moved there, occupying a small apartment on the first floor of the Kitchen building of the Gatchina Palace.

“Workroom” P.A. Cherevin was actually in Gatchina Palace in front of the door to the king's office. There, at a special table, Cherevin worked with documents. During the “working hours” of Alexander III he was the only person, who could enter the king’s office without reporting 478. Life surgeon of Alexander III, Professor N.A. Velyaminov noted that P.A. Cherevin “was very close to the Emperor and always had access to him without reporting” 479. It should be noted that not all great princes had the right to do this. As the tsar's closest collaborator, Cherevin had at his fingertips all the keys to the ciphers, except for the War Ministry and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 480.

Contemporaries emphasized that Cherevin had a bright character and considerable abilities. B.C. Krivenko recalled that “by general admission, Cherevin had remarkable abilities, knew how to work, and knew how to stand up for himself and for his subordinates” 481 . Perhaps it was precisely these character traits of the general that aroused sympathy on the part of Alexander III.

The fact that Cherevin was constantly “with the tsar” put him in a special, privileged position. Many people wanted to use Cherevin’s influence to resolve their affairs and affairs. For example, at the request of Secretary of State A.A. Polovtsev Cherevin organized for the daughter of “Alphonse Rothschild madame Ephrussi a window in the Concert Hall to look at the exit” on January 1, 1884 in Winter Palace 482. Sometimes Cherevin tried to patronize influential petitioners. In December 1888, at the request of Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolaevich, he tried to “punch” a place in the State Council for Baron I.O. Velio. It should be noted that Alexander III had a very good idea of ​​the “schemes” behind such requests, and was very restrained in his reactions. Moreover, according to Cherevin, he did not have “the opportunity to talk to the sovereign when and about what he wanted, because he only talks at the table in front of the children, and if he has any message to make, he catches up with the sovereign when he goes to his office after breakfast or after lunch. I already tried to talk about Velio under the pretext that I had breakfast with him last week, but apart from the exclamation “Ah!”, this statement did not cause anything” 483.

Many knew the sharp tongue of the head of the royal guard, since the characteristics of Cherevin given to one or another dignitary diverged throughout St. Petersburg. Characteristics of the Minister of Internal Affairs I.I. Durnovo, given by P.A. Cherevin, “stupid to the fullest,” instantly became known throughout St. Petersburg 484 . They were afraid of Cherevin, but his favorable attention was highly valued. As a result, “every day eminent persons and official aces came to bow to him. They did not suspect that with their running they were providing additional material for the caustic speeches of Cherevin, who was not shy in his characteristics” 485.

Since Cherevin was a drinker and a hospitable owner, over time a kind of club gradually formed in his apartment in the Kitchen Building. Not only ministers and dignitaries had access there, but also “mere mortals” who were to the general’s liking. In fact, Cherevin kept an open table, which did not cost him a penny, since everything he needed came free of charge from the palace kitchen, buffet and cellar 486.

It is tempting to write that Cherevin’s club was a place for collecting information about the mood of various social strata and that the chatter of the guests allowed Cherevin to “keep in touch,” but this is more typical of our time than of the end of the patriarchal 19th century. B.C. Krivenko noted that “Cherevin’s club” “had no political significance” because “persons were restrained.” At the table they gossiped about various city news, and the departing guests “wound Cherevin’s catchphrases around their ears” 487 .

P.A. Cherevin, constantly being close to the emperor, became a friend of the family. Of course, as much as possible. Empress Maria Feodorovna and the royal children treated him with respect. Cherevin appreciated this attitude towards himself and was truly a faithful servant of the emperor, ready to fulfill any of his orders. Literally. Because of this, he did not consider it shameful for himself to solve problems that were far beyond the scope of his direct competence. During military maneuvers in Brest, it was necessary to urgently deliver the Prussian uniform of Alexander III from St. Petersburg, because unexpectedly for Russian side Wilhelm I expressed a desire to attend these teachings. It was P.A. who solved this problem. Cherevin, having previously consulted with a young, then unknown railway official S.Yu. Witte 488.

General Cherevin even looked for wet nurses for the children of Alexander III. Special mention should be made about “nurses”. The episode mentioned below came to us in the diary of A. Bogdanovich. She cites as a source General Baranov, who in 1881 held the position of mayor of St. Petersburg 489. Bogdanovich makes it clear that by “nurses” we mean commoners whom Cherevin allegedly supplied to Alexander III “for his own use.” Speaking about this seemingly insignificant episode, the following should be kept in mind. Firstly, Alexander III was always attentive to his children. Secondly, according to the testimony of pediatrician Rauchfus, Maria Feodorovna did not feed her children herself, and Alexander III insisted that the wet nurse “type” should be like the mother. And it was Cherevin who “puzzled” him by searching for a similar type of nurse from the people. Cherevin carried out a variety of assignments for the tsar, and when he ordered him to find wet nurses, namely wet nurses, for his children, the general carried out this order. And General Bogdanovich presented the “information” she received in her own interpretation.

General P.A. Cherevin carried out the unusual orders of the tsar and according to his “specialty”. In May 1883, by order of the highest order, he handed over “by belonging” the Insignia of the Military Order of St. George, IV degree, to the “elder” M.I. who lived in Moscow. Muravyov-Apostol on the occasion of the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the Semenovsky Life Guards Regiment. This soldier’s “Egory” was used by the Decembrist M.I. Muravyov-Apostol received another for his participation in the Battle of Borodino.

More than once they tried to “dump” Cherevin from his position. He had plenty of ill-wishers, especially among the grand dukes. When in October 1888, 49 versts from Kharkov, near the Borki station, royal train, moving at a speed of more than 60 versts per hour, went off the rails, responsibility for what happened was immediately assigned to P.A. Cherevina.

An investigative commission headed by Senator A.F. Koni immediately established that an assassination attempt was out of the question. We started looking for the culprits. The investigation established that instructions related to the recruitment of a train of extreme importance were violated, as a result of which the imperial train acquired a weight without steam locomotives of up to 30 thousand pounds and was more than twice the length and weight of an ordinary passenger train, corresponding to a freight train of 28 loaded cars.

Among those responsible for the crash, rumor named General P.A. Cherevin and Colonel E.N. Shirinkina 490. Allegedly, it was on their orders that the speed of the heavy train exceeded all permissible limits. Literally a month after the disaster, one of the dignitaries wrote down in his diary the words of the still very influential K.P. Pobedonostsev, that “...the main culprit is still the security, headed by the drunken Cherevin, who demands unquestioning execution of his orders” 491.

Reporting on preliminary results investigations of Alexander III in the Gatchina Palace, A.F. Koni mentioned that the head of the royal guard should also be interrogated. Alexander III did not object. In January 1889, the question of the possibility of bringing Cherevin and other persons to trial was brought up at a meeting of the State Council. However, they were questioned by investigators first. Cherevin met them in an adjutant general's frock coat, “fastened with all the hooks, was exquisitely polite and very calmly gave an intelligent and thorough testimony” 492. It boiled down to the fact that during one of the stops he expressed regret about the one and a half hour delay of the imperial train. But at the same time he emphasized that he is the “chief of the guard”, and his “orders, arising from concern for the safety of the sovereign, are adjusted to a precisely defined time and are in connection with a whole series of orders and actions,” why he is “directly interested in ensuring that the imperial trains arrived on schedule minute by minute” 493. It is characteristic that at the end of the interrogation, Cherevin himself asked the investigators several questions related to his impressions local population from the disaster that occurred.

On February 6, 1889, a meeting of the Special Presence of the State Council took place. It was supposed to determine the degree of guilt of the senior officials involved in the tragedy. This meeting was attended by representatives of departments, five ministers (Ministry of Internal Affairs, Justice, Imperial Household, the head of the Naval Ministry, the Ministry of Transport) and two grand dukes. Since Cherevin was not the main figure at this meeting, his name was mentioned only in passing. When the investigation ended, his name was not even mentioned. As always, the “switchmen” were to blame for the tragedy; one of them turned out to be the head of the technical department imperial trains engineer Gorbunov, he was removed from his post. Nevertheless, the fact that the all-powerful head of the royal guard was interrogated along with others suggests that Emperor Alexander III was a principled person who did not divide those around him into “us” and “strangers.”

Independent position of P.A. Cherevin gave rise to a lot of enemies. The ill-wishers were very different. The conservatives were represented by the ascetic K.P. Pobedonostsev, who was irritated by both the influence and the “love of life” of the general. There were also natural, “ideological” ill-wishers from the revolutionary camp. For example, V.L. Burtsev, in his famous article, branded Cherevin as “the main pillar of Russian reaction.” 494 Of course, he clearly exaggerated the role of the general among the “Russian reaction.” But even the ideological inspirer of terrorism paid tribute to the colorful general: “Cherevin was a very smart, witty and even good-natured person at home, but a complete political savage and a deep ignorant: the type of orderly in a general’s uniform. He idolized Alexander III" 495. The revolutionary rightly noted that “Cherevin under Alexander III was a thunderstorm in the palace and did not put anyone in a penny” 496.

There was a third force that could not digest P.A. Cherevina. True, it should be noted that the hostility was mutual, since Cherevin directly called his ill-wishers “bastard.” This is how he called all the ministerial and court authorities and even some of the grand dukes. And the latter first.

Cherevin especially disliked Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich and his entire family. V.L. Burtsev cites an episode when the tsar’s younger brother, Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich, enraged, bitterly complained about the impunity of his favorite, the tsar very calmly advised him: “If you are offended, challenge him to a duel, but what are you begging for?” 497. When citing this episode, it should be borne in mind that Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich and Alexander III grew up together, and they had a lot in common. And yet...

Those around him assessed the scale of General Cherevin’s personality very differently. Those who have only seen outside, wrote about drunkenness, “a penchant for greasy anecdotes and merciless, cynical hints and omissions,” calling General Cherevin a “royal jester” 498. Those who came into contact with General Cherevin “at work” noted his decency, sharp mind, administrative talents and devotion, regretfully admitting that the general’s drunkenness negatively affected his reputation.

All enemies of P.A. Cherevin actively used the fact that the head of the Tsar’s security drank. And it’s very Russian. Cherevin began drinking heavily even before the Russian-Turkish War. Everyone knew about this, and there were even legends about it. Thus, A. Bogdanovich in 1888 recorded one of the characteristic tales from the time of Alexander II. According to it, Alexander II met Cherevin in the Livadia Garden in the morning, completely drunk. The Emperor asked him: “Where did you manage to do it so early?” “Everywhere, Your Majesty,” was the answer.”499 At the same time knowledgeable people noted that Cherevin “refueled” in the morning at the palace pharmacy, where the pharmacist prepared him various mixtures of vodkas and liqueurs.

There are many memoirs and diary references to Cherevin’s drunkenness. Thus, Secretary of State A.A. Polovtsev repeatedly noted in his diary entries alcohol addiction Cherevina. At the same time, he himself was “on friendly terms” with the general. May 5, 1883: “I go to Cherevin, who, despite the late hour, has just gotten out of bed and is walking in a dressing gown around the room, in which toiletries, tea and vodka with a snack are placed”; June 18, 1883: “Cherevin enters, first of all asks for a glass of vodka and reports that the trip was excellent”; October 25, 1883: “As usual, I stop at the apartment of Cherevin, who has just gotten out of bed and is starting the day with a glass of vodka” 500.

Those who paid tribute to Cherevin wrote that he was “a cheerful, amusing interlocutor, always almost in the palace, at hand, enjoyed the general goodwill royal family. They made fun of his obvious weakness for wine, but this disastrous addiction was not considered a special sin for him, as if adhering to the Russian proverb “Drunk and smart, all the pleasures are in him.” They apparently believed in Cherevin as a person who was well, thoroughly well acquainted with secret political organizations and with methods of combating them. Perhaps there was a belief in his lucky star that he would save” 501. S.Yu. also writes about this. Witte. He noted that Cherevin “was very prone to drinking alcoholic beverages, but both Emperor Alexander III and Empress Maria Fedorovna treated Cherevin very favorably” 502, and although “he very often, one might say, almost every day, he was not entirely in normal condition, but Empress Maria Feodorovna remained in high degree Cherevin was well-disposed towards him and loved and respected him very much” 503. General N.A. Epanchin, who knew Cherevin closely, wrote about him: “Cherevin, to a certain extent, abused alcoholic beverages, but this, of course, did not prevent him from working properly” 504. He emphasized the integrity of P.A. Cherevin, noting his sharp mind and experience in administrative matters. Thus, everyone knew about Cherevin’s drunkenness, but most memoirists noted that P.A. Cherevin was a man of honor and duty. It can be argued that Alexander III, knowing full well about the penchant for alcohol of his chief of security, forgave him a purely Russian weakness for his commitment, devotion and truthfulness.

author Zimin Igor Viktorovich

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The attitude of Russian emperors to personal security During the 19th – early 20th centuries. The Russian Empire went from the “apogee of autocracy” during the time of Nicholas I to the beginning of the formation of a constitutional monarchy during the reign of the “late” Nicholas II. Naturally, in relation to

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From the book The Court of Russian Emperors. Encyclopedia of life and everyday life. In 2 volumes. Volume 2 author Zimin Igor Viktorovich

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Among all the Soviet marshals, Boris Mikhailovich Shaposhnikov (1882-1945) had the highest rank in the pre-revolutionary army - colonel.

In the service of the Tsar and the Fatherland

The future chief of the Soviet General Staff was born in the city of Zlatoust, Ufa province, into the family of a commoner who moved to the petty bourgeois class from the Cossacks. Having graduated from a real school in Krasnoufimsk in 1900 and having the opportunity to enter technical university, he, however, decided to go to a military school, since they taught there at public expense. So Boris Shaposhnikov ended up in Moscow, in Alekseevsky infantry school. In 1903, he graduated as a second lieutenant and was sent to serve in Tashkent, in the 1st Turkestan battalion.

Life in the colonial backwater of the Russian Empire, which was Tashkent at that time, would have been unbearably boring if young Shaposhnikov had not found intellectual pursuits for himself. Every evening he read books on tactics, military history and in general everything that I could find in the poor battalion library. He had a plan to continue his studies at the General Staff Academy. In 1907, Shaposhnikov received the rank of lieutenant based on his length of service, and in the same year he was allowed to take the exam for the Academy.

A three-year stay in St. Petersburg enriched the future marshal with knowledge not only of military sciences, but also of social and cultural life. Based on the results of his training, Shaposhnikov became one of the successful graduates seconded to the General Staff. But for another two years he was obliged to return to his previous place of service, after which he achieved an appointment to the Warsaw Military District, to the post of adjutant to the division commander. Many ambitious young officers sought to get to where they would soon be deployed big events. Shaposhnikov by that time held the rank of captain.

His premonition did not deceive him. It thundered world war. Shaposhnikov earned a bouquet of officer orders in it, was shell-shocked and noted with royal gratitude in the order. February revolution he met the lieutenant colonel and chief of staff of the division. It is unlikely that he could have sympathy for the overthrown regime. The old order seriously hampered his career as a commoner. His fellow student at the Academy, the nobleman Pyotr Wrangel, had long been a general and commanded a corps, although he was not distinguished by great intellectual abilities. The revolution opened up new opportunities for people like Shaposhnikov.

Shaposhnikov supported the “democratization” of the army and gained popularity among the soldiers. In December 1917, they elected him (at that time a colonel and regiment commander) as head of the division. But soon the war ended, and the Bolsheviks disbanded the army. Boris Shaposhnikov had no choice but to leave for Kazan, where his wife’s parents lived (soon their only son, Igor, was born).

Future soviet marshal All my life I got along well with any authorities. In Kazan, he, a “gold chaser,” managed to get a job as a secretary of the people’s court. However, the lack of his usual service weighed on him. He received the news with hope that Soviet power attracts military experts to build the Red Army. Having learned that former General Pnevsky had been appointed to the post of chief of staff of the Volga Military District, Shaposhnikov wrote him a letter with a request to accept him into the service. The general did not refuse. This is how the second stage began in Shaposhnikov’s life - service to the socialist Fatherland. He went through it as zealously and evenly as the first.

Having held various high staff posts, Shaposhnikov finally settled in Moscow from August 1919, where he headed the operational department of the Field Headquarters of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, and in 1921 he became the first assistant to its chief. He demonstrates exceptionally high efficiency and theoretical training in the development of orders and directives in all the most important operations of the Civil War period. After commanding the troops of the Leningrad and Moscow military districts, in 1928 Shaposhnikov for the first time became the chief of the General Staff (then it was also called the Red Army Headquarters). In 1930, he wrote an application to join the CPSU (b), and he was accepted immediately, without candidate experience.

Shaposhnikov writes works on military theory. The most famous is his three-volume book “The Brain of the Army” (1927-1929), dedicated to the functions of the General Staff in modern warfare. After several more moves to different positions, Shaposhnikov again headed the General Staff from May 1937 to August 1940. According to his colleague, Marshal Alexander Vasilevsky, Stalin removed him in order to create the impression of a complete change in the leadership of the Red Army after the disastrous Soviet-Finnish war and asked Shaposhnikov not to be offended. Many modern historians believe that the removal was due to Shaposhnikov’s conviction of the need to strengthen the defense on western borders, while Stalin was preparing offensive war with Germany.

By that time, Shaposhnikov was already a marshal and was experiencing health problems. But in July 1941, he again had to head the General Staff after Stalin considered Georgy Zhukov unsuitable for this position. In May 1942, Shaposhnikov finally left this post to Vasilevsky, continuing to work in high military positions. He died of stomach cancer on March 26, 1945, six weeks before the victory, which he undoubtedly brought closer with his hard work.

What was he like?

Everyone speaks of Boris Shaposhnikov with extraordinary warmth, recalling his intelligence, efficiency and the highest culture. “If something went wrong with us, he didn’t scold, didn’t even raise his voice, but only asked reproachfully: “What are you doing, my dear?” “We were ready to fall through the ground from such a question,” recalled General Sergei Shtemenko. “A talented military theorist and publicist, a scientist of exceptional erudition,” is how Marshal Vasilevsky characterized him. In these reviews, Mikhail Tukhachevsky’s opinion of Shaposhnikov as, first of all, an unprincipled careerist and opportunist, sounds dissonant, although he admitted that Shaposhnikov is an excellent worker, “he has knowledge and military talent.”

It is unlikely that Shaposhnikov knew this review of Tukhachevsky about himself, but, undoubtedly, he knew very well that the first deputy people's commissar hated him, and probably paid him the same. And when Shaposhnikov was part of the court in 1937 that sentenced Tukhachevsky, Yakir and other participants in the “military conspiracy” to death, perhaps he not only once again adapted to save himself, but sincerely believed that if Tukhachevsky had won, then he could have put him, Shaposhnikov, in the same dock as Stalin.

It is well known that Stalin knew that Shaposhnikov wore a family heirloom under his clothes - an icon of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker - and was generally a believer. He also knew that Vasilevsky was a former seminarian (like Stalin himself). Some believe that it was not without reason that Stalin chose this particular tandem to lead the General Staff in the summer of 1941.

The king - he is also the king in Africa

This is a very common illness among bosses. True, the bosses themselves will never admit that they suffer from this disease. Because Kings don’t get sick ☺ They have practically no flaws. So, we identify the Kings and treat the disease. If possible.

Who is he?

Tsar - This is the Chief. With a capital “N”. He considers himself a born leader; his decisions, as a rule, are the height of wisdom and farsightedness. The victories of the unit he leads are His victories, and the defeats are, of course, not His, but the result of external circumstances, a conspiracy of enemies or stupid subordinates. People become kings for a reason — this is, as a rule, the result of some serious victories and outstanding results in previous times. But in those days this boss was not a Tsar, he was a good boss, a specialist. But promotion, the appearance of subordinates, the acquisition of power and the right to manage resources plays a cruel joke on these people. It makes them Kings.

Of course, I'm exaggerating, but only a little.

What's the problem?

The main problem is the loss of connection with reality and with your employees. The king “flies away” into the clouds so much that he loses touch with reality. His previous successful experience becomes a guarantee of future success for him. Which, as we know, is definitely not a guarantee. His employees are perceived by him not as colleagues and partners, but as subordinates, main task which is the implementation of the instructions and wise decisions of the leader. Criticism, heated and open discussion, and clashes of opinions are not supported, since they can shake the authority of the Tsar. As a result, the risk of making ineffective decisions increases many times over, and the motivation of the Tsar’s employees seriously declines. Strong guys leave because they want respect and self-realization, and this does not fit into the Tsar’s model. In general, the result is hopelessly sad and inevitable.

How to identify?

Revealing the King is not big problem. Even for the boss of the Tsar — can you imagine who he must be if he has an employee — the Tsar ☺

So, how to identify the King?

Biography: As a rule, people who quickly and consistently grow up the career ladder become Tsars. Too fast growth and constant success are excellent conditions for any person to go crazy and become a Tsar.

A lot of “I” in his speeches, “I did this”, “I did this”, “I will achieve..” and the like.

Disrespectful attitude towards your employees  - doesn’t listen, interrupts, ignores opinions, a clinical form of the Tsar when he publicly humiliates his employees.

Very sensitive to self-disrespect, reacts aggressively to the slightest signs and attempts that could undermine his authority.

I think each of us can easily recall a bunch of signs of “royal behavior”, this disease is too common.

Can it be cured?
The “Tsar” disease, oddly enough, is treatable. Life quite often heals Kings through defeat. Anyone who survived such a defeat and did not become a Downed Pilot drew conclusions and found the strength to rise. These people are worth a lot. They become truly good bosses. With a capital “N”. By right.

But the defeat of the Tsar is too painful and expensive a procedure for an organization. Therefore, it is possible to treat without bringing the situation to the point where the unit or organization headed by the Tsar suffers a serious defeat.

But ordinary therapeutic methods Treatments for the royal disease do not work. Employees cannot treat the disease. Only the Tsar’s boss can cope with the disease.

This is where shock therapy works — clearly, accessiblely, without beating around the bush or equivocating, but with respect and care, exclusively in a one-on-one mode, one must explain to the Tsar that he is not the Tsar, explain to him that his model of behavior will lead to a sad result for him himself (this worries the Tsar very much). Give him a short time to correct it and clearly describe the model of behavior that the boss expects from the no longer Tsar.

And watch very carefully, letting him know that he is under surveillance.

Well, based on the results of the probationary period, the Tsar’s boss should draw conclusions. If the disease has entered the clinical phase, proceed to the next section

What should you do with it?

If you are the boss of the Tsar
Give it a chance — and try to cure it.

It didn’t help — go to the neck, explaining to everyone else why this happened. So that this would be a lesson to other “candidates for Tsars.”

If you are a colleague of the Tsar
Go to the Tsar's boss and speak frankly about the problem. With facts and arguments. In any organization, dependence on colleagues when implementing joint cross-functional projects is extremely high. And nothing good can be expected from the Tsar and his subordinates. This is quite risky and somehow not very nice in the Russian mentality. But you do good to your boss, the Tsar himself, his subordinates and your entire organization. In general, away with these conventions, do a good job.

If you are a subordinate of the Tsar
My condolences. If the Tsar himself becomes more and more the Tsar, the Tsar’s boss does not show himself in any way, and in general the culture in the organization does not contribute to the treatment of such a disease, then we need to get out.

If the Tsar shows signs of adequacy, then talk to him directly. It’s unlikely to help, of course, but it will cut your Gordian knot. Either the Tsar will hear you and things will begin to change for the better, or he will quickly deal with you, leaving you no opportunity to drag out your miserable existence in the shadow of the Tsar. And thank God. Get out of here clear conscience and a sense of accomplishment.

End of the Third Series

I wish to overcome the Royal disease in mild form — this as with chickenpox in childhood. It is even useful to get sick in childhood, so that adult life there were no complications.

Yours, Mikhail Slobodin

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